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OBAMA! -VOGUE MAGAZINE 2012 INTERVIEW WITH BOTH OUR BLACK PRESIDENT ATI OUR BLACK SKINNED BEAUTY FIRST LADY IN THE BLACK HOUSE!

March 17, 2013
BLACK LOVE IN ACTION!

BLACK LOVE IN ACTION!

VOGUE Magazine

Leading by Example: First Lady Michelle Obama

photographed by Annie Leibovitz


VIEW SLIDESHOW

At the start of a second term, President Barack Obama and First Lady Michelle Obama talk to Jonathan Van Meter about their life as parents, their marriage, and their vision for America’s families.

One morning in late January, I am standing at one end of the grand red-carpeted corridor that runs through the center of the White House, when suddenly the First Lady appears at the other. “Heeeee’s comin’,” she says of her husband’s imminent arrival. “He’s coming down the stairs now.” The president is on his way from the residence above, and just a split second before he appears, the First Lady, in a midnight-blue Reed Krakoff sleeveless dress and a black kitten heel, slips into the tiniest bit of a surprisingly good soft-shoe, and then the two of them walk arm in arm into the Red Room to sit for a portrait by Annie Leibovitz. The photographer has her iPod playing the Black Eyed Peas song “Where Is the Love?” It is a mid-tempo hip-hop lament about the problematic state of the world. As the First Lady and an aide laugh together over some inside joke, the president starts nodding his head to the beat: “Who picked the music? I love this song.”

I feel the weight of the world on my shoulder
As I’m gettin’ older, y’all, people gets colder
Most of us only care about money makin’
Selfishness got us followin’ the wrong direction

A few minutes later, Leibovitz has the president sit in a comfortable chair and then directs the First Lady to perch on the arm. At one point, the First Lady puts her hand on top of his and, instinctively, he wraps his fingers around her thumb. “There’s a lot of huggin’ going on,” says Leibovitz, and everyone laughs. “You’re a very different kind of president and First Lady.”

See our animated video of Michelle Obama’s best looks.

That they are. Put aside for a moment that they are the first African-Americans to preside in the White House, or that it feels perfectly normal to see the president enjoying a hip-hop song in the Red Room before lunch, or that the First Lady has bucked convention by routinely mixing Thom Browne and Alexander McQueen with J.Crew and Target, or that Malia and Sasha’s grandma lives with them upstairs, or that the whole family texts and takes pictures of one another with their smart phones. What is truly unusual about the Obamas is that, in their own quietly determined way, they have insisted on living their lives on their terms: not as the First Family but as a family, first.

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“He is a dad,” says the president’s senior adviser Valerie Jarrett, “and a husband, and he enjoys being with his children and his wife. He doesn’t have a father. He’s trying really hard to be a good dad.” Says former senior adviser David Axelrod, “This is conjecture on my part, but I have to believe that because of the rather tumultuous childhood that he had, family is even more important to him. It’s central to who he is. That’s why he’s home every night at 6:30 for dinner.”

Click through our archival slideshow First Ladies in Vogue.

The president and First Lady both seem to be in ebullient moods, and deservedly so. His surprisingly decisive reelection is now history; the tonally precise inauguration is ten days behind them. The First Lady, it must be said, is funny, and it soon becomes clear that she can’t resist an opportunity to tease her husband. The first real question I ask them is about the persistent notion among the Washington press corps that they—unlike, say, the Reagans or the Clintons—are somehow antisocial, that they don’t privately entertain enough at the White House, that they don’t break bread and smoke cigars and play poker with their enemies. When I joke that they might want to “put that idea to rest” once and for all, the president starts to answer, but his wife, whose back has gone up ever so slightly, cuts him off. “I don’t think it’s our job to put an idea to rest. Our job is, first and foremost, to make sure our family is whole. You know, we have small kids; they’re growing every day. But I think we were both pretty straightforward when we said, ‘Our number-one priority is making sure that our family is whole.’ ”

They are quick to point out that most of their friends have kids themselves, and that when they go on vacation, usually with longtime family friends and relatives, they end up with a houseful of children. “The stresses and the pressures of this job are so real that when you get a minute,” the First Lady says, “you want to give that extra energy to your fourteen- and eleven-year-old. . . .” “Although,” her husband says, a big grin spreading across his face, “as I joked at a press conference, now that they want less time with us, who knows? Maybe you’ll see us out in the clubs.”

“Saturday night!” says the First Lady. “The kids are out with their friends. Let’s go party!”

“ ‘The Obamas are out in the club again?’ ” says the president, laughing. “What is true,” he says, more seriously, “is that we probably—even before we came to Washington—had already settled in a little bit to parenthood. And. . . .” Here he pauses in the way that only President Obama can. “Let’s put it this way: I did an awful lot of socializing in my teens and 20s.

Read André Leon Talley’s story on Michelle Obama as she settled into the White House in 2009.

“But what is also true,” he says, “is that the culture in Washington has changed in ways that probably haven’t been great for the way this place runs. . . . When you talk to the folks who were in the Senate or the House back in the sixties, seventies, eighties, there was much less pressure to go back and forth to your home state. . . . Campaigns weren’t as expensive. So a lot of members of Congress bought homes here in the area; their kids went to school here; they ended up socializing in part because their families were here. By the time I got to the Senate, that had changed. Michelle and the girls, for example, stayed in Chicago, and I had this little bachelor apartment that Michelle refused to stay in because she thought it was a little, uh. . . .”

“Yikes,” she says.

“You know, pizza boxes everywhere,” he says. “When she came, I had to get a hotel room.” The First Lady leans in toward me. “That place caught on fire.”

“It did end up catching on fire,” says the president sheepishly.

“And I was like, I told you it was a dump,” she says. Her husband continues, “As a consequence, I think, when the Washington press writes about this, part of what they’re longing for has less to do with us; it has to do with an atmosphere here where there was more of a community in Washington, which did result, I think, in less polarization. Because if your kids went to school together and you’re seeing each other at ball games and church, then Democrats and Republicans had a sense that this is not just perpetual campaigning and political warfare.”

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While the First Lady may not be a Tiger Mom, and the Obamas may not be helicopter parents (despite their access to Marine One), they are, in fact, exemplars of a new paradigm—the super-involved parenting team for whom being equally engaged in the minutiae of their children’s lives is paramount. Perhaps this is what has been misconstrued by old-school Washington. After all, it is so unlike the way that the White House has traditionally functioned, as a paragon of American family life, complete with a staff that all but invented the idea of standing on ceremony.

Later I bring this up to Anita Dunn, former White House communications director and a consultant on the reelection campaign who has a teenager of her own. “You know,” she says, “they are of a different generation. Most of [the Obamas’] friends have both parents in the workforce, and there is a degree of involvement from both parents in raising the children that simply wasn’t the case earlier. But they also both know what it’s like to be raising kids in this very challenging time—whether it’s video games or Facebook or smart phones. That they are experiencing these things along with so many other American parents gives them a unique perspective on the challenges families face.”

I mention the wintry tableau on Inauguration Day, all four Obamas texting and taking pictures of one another. “Sasha plays basketball with her little team at a community center in my neighborhood,” says Dunn. “My son played there and, you know, there are no bleachers or anything—parents are just standing on the sidelines. And that’s an experience that the president has, just like all those other parents. If I was in a school play, my father would show up. But, you know, he wasn’t at the rehearsals. It is a different model. But I think it has been a valuable thing, to help them break out of the bubble.”

From our 2012 Special Edition Best Dressed Issue: Michelle Obama: A Woman of Substance

A friend of mine with two kids who are just heading off to college pointed out to me recently that Malia and Sasha are on the cusp of that stage in life when parenting requires, as she put it, “elasticity”—and life in the White House seems anything but elastic. “Well, the environment becomes more elastic,” the First Lady says. “The Secret Service has to change the way they do things; they have to become more flexible. And they do. Because they want to make sure that these girls are happy and that they have a normal life. . . . There’s a lot of energy that goes into working with staff, working with agents, working with friends’ parents to figure out how do we, you know, let these kids go to the party and have a sleepover and walk through the city on their own, go to the game. Any parent knows that these are the times when you’re just a scheduler and chauffeur for your kids. And that doesn’t change for us. Ninety percent of our conversation is about these girls: What are they doing? And who’s got what practice? And what birthday party is coming up? And did we get a gift for this person? You know, I mean, it is endless and it gets to be pretty exhausting, and if you take your eye off the ball, that’s when their lives become inelastic,” she says emphatically. “So it requires us to be there and be present so that we can respond and have the system respond to their needs. . . . And he’s doing it while still dealing with Syria and health care. He’s as up on every friend, every party, every relationship. . . . And if you’re out at dinner every night, you miss those moments where you can check in and just figure them out when they’re ready to share with you.”

The Obamas’ unusually close partnership and decision-making process started long before they had children. It is now part of legend that when Michelle Robinson decided to leave her cushy office at a corporate Chicago law firm to go work at City Hall for Valerie Jarrett, then deputy chief of staff to Mayor Richard M. Daley, she asked Jarrett to have dinner with her then-fiancé before making the leap. When I ask Jarrett if she could offer any insight into how life in the White House has affected the Obamas’ relationship, she says, “They had a very good marriage going in, but it strengthened it because, well, it’s tested it. He has had some really, really tough moments in the White House, and the fact that his partner in this journey has been so steadfastly in his corner and never wavered, it teaches you every day to appreciate what you have. When you’ve had a really tough day and had to make the kinds of literally life-and-death decisions that he’s had to make in the Oval Office, to come home and know you’re safe and that your children are being well taken care of and you feel totally nurtured. . . . We joke about this: He goes home for dinner and no one’s interested in his day. They want to talk about their day. And that is such a relief. And she manages that for him.”

Find out more about Michelle Obama at Voguepedia.com.

When I paraphrase Jarrett’s observation for the president and First Lady, he shifts in his seat and leans forward. “Well, what is true is that, first and foremost, Michelle thinks about the girls. And pretty much everything else from Michelle’s perspective right now is secondary. And rightly so. She is a great mom. What is also true is Michelle’s had to accommodate”—he pauses for a long while—“a life that”—another pause—“it’s fair to say was not necessarily what she envisioned for herself. She has to put up with me. And my schedule and my stresses. And she’s done a great job on that. But I think it would be a mistake to think that my wife, when I walk in the door, is, Hey, honey, how was your day? Let me give you a neck rub. It’s not as if Michelle is thinking in terms of, How do I cater to my husband? I think it’s much more, We’re a team, and how do I make sure that this guy is together enough that he’s paying attention to his girls and not forgetting the basketball game that he’s supposed to be going to on Sunday? So she’s basically managing me quite effectively—that’s what it comes down to. I’m sure Valerie might have made it sound more romantic.” The First Lady, who has been staring at her lap through this entire answer, finally looks up and laughs.

It almost comes as a relief to see the president, so famous for his cool, get a little defensive. I bring up what someone described as his “Hawaiian mellowness” and ask the First Lady to describe this aspect of her husband. “I’ve tried to explain this guy to people over the years, but there is a calmness to him that is just . . . it has been a consistent part of his character. Which is why I think he is uniquely suited for this challenge—because there is a steadiness. And maybe it’s because of his Hawaiian upbringing—you go to Hawaii and it’s Chillsville; maybe it was because his life growing up was a little less steady, so he had to create that steadiness for himself . . . but he is that person, in all situations, over the course of these last four years, from watching the highs and lows of health-care reform to dealing with two very contentious, challenging elections. . . . The most you get from him is ‘You know, that is gonna be tough. . . .’ There are a lot of times I can’t tell how his day went. Unless I really dig down. Because when he walks through that door, he can let go of it all. And it just doesn’t penetrate his soul. And that’s the beautiful thing for me to see as his wife. That was one of the things I was worried about: How would politics affect this very decent, genuine, noble individual? And there is just something about his spirit that allows all that stuff to stay on the outside.”

Someone recently introduced me to the concept of “borrowed functioning,” something that successful couples do without even realizing it. When I describe the concept to the Obamas and confess that my partner of fifteen years is an unflappable, hard-to-read Midwesterner and that I am an emotional hothead from Jersey, they both laugh and gamely play along.

“Well, patience and calm I’m borrowing,” says the First Lady. “Or trying to mirror. I’ve learned that from my husband, that sort of, you know, ability to not get too high or too low with changes and bumps in the road . . . to do more breathing in and just going with it. I’m learning that every day. And to the extent that I’ve made changes in my life, it’s just sort of stepping back and seeing a change not as something to guard against but as a wonderful addition . . . that can make life fun and unexpected. Oftentimes, it’s the way we react to change that is the thing that determines the overall experience. So I’ve learned to let go and enjoy it and take it in and not take things too personally.”

Without missing a beat, the president says, “And what Michelle has done is to remind me every day of the virtues of order.” The First Lady lets out a big laugh. “Being on time. Hanging up your clothes. Being intentional about planning time with your kids. In some ways I think . . . we’re very different people, and some of that’s temperamental, some of it is how we grew up. Michelle grew up in a model nuclear family: mom, dad, brother. . . . She just has these deep, wonderful roots. When you go back to Chicago, she’s got family everywhere. . . . There’s just a warmth and a sense of belonging. And you know, that’s not how I grew up. I had this far-flung family, father left at a very young age, a stepfather who ended up passing away as well. My mother was this wonderful spirit, and she was adventurous but not always very well organized. And, so, what that means is that I’m more comfortable with change and adventure and trying new things, but the downside of it is, sometimes—particularly when we were early on in our marriage—I wasn’t always thinking about the fact that my free-spirited ways might be having an impact on the person I’m with. And conversely, early in our marriage, Michelle provided this sense of stability and clarity and certainty about things, but sometimes she resisted trying something new just because it might seem a little scary or push her out of her comfort zone. I think what we’ve learned from each other is that sense of. . . .”

“Balance,” she says.

“There’s no doubt I’m a better man having spent time with Michelle. I would never say that Michelle’s a better woman, but I will say she’s a little more patient.”

“I would say I’m a better woman. You couldn’t say it.”

“I couldn’t say it,” he says.

The First Lady looks at me: “It’s good that he learned not to say that.” And then turns and looks at him and smiles. “Don’t say that.”

Being around the Obamas, I am struck by a few things: They are both tall and great-looking, and his hair is not so gray. In fact, neither of them looks like they’re on either side of 50. He has beautiful hands, with long, slender fingers that make his wedding band seem enormous. Her Midwestern accent is pronounced, and his legendary Hawaiian mellowness is in full flower for most of the interview—though he is also capable of more than a little swagger. When I ask the First Lady if her husband’s mellow nature is what gets interpreted as “aloof,” she says, “Absolutely. I mean, I don’t know what people expect to see in a president. Maybe they want him to yell and scream at somebody at some point. Sometimes I’d like him to do that.” She laughs and looks at him. “But that’s just not how he deals with stress. And I think that’s something we want in our leaders.”

“It is true that I don’t get too high or I don’t get too low, day to day,” the president says. “Partly because I try to bring to the job a longer-term time frame. I’m a history buff, and I know that big changes take time. But I also know that, setting politics aside, usually things are never as good as you think they are or as bad as you think they are. And that has served me well temperamentally.”

But as the First Lady observes, “all it takes is watching him spend time on a rope line” for you to see the emotion and the connection. I got to watch the president doing just that two days earlier, in a high school gymnasium in Las Vegas after his speech on immigration, and what was unmistakable was the genuine pleasure he took in hugging and handshaking and saying “I love you back!” to the several hundred people who were screaming and crying as they reached out to touch him. It seems that he loves the attention, sure—but it struck me that he loves it to the right degree. How did the First Lady put it? “It doesn’t penetrate his soul.”

Everyone I spoke with about the Obamas said the same thing: What you see is what you get. “The president, when he goes to an event, that is the same Barack Obama who’s in a meeting,” says Dunn. “There really isn’t a divide between their private and public personas.” The First Lady’s chief of staff, Tina Tchen, says, “When people ask me, ‘What’s she really like?’ I say, ‘Well, you’re seeing it. That is exactly who she is and what she’s like.’ ”

As White House Press Secretary Jay Carney reminded me, the Obamas went from relative anonymity to worldwide superfame—potent symbols of once-unimaginable progress—in the blink of an eye. Most couples take the long road to the White House; the Obamas’ zip-line arrival left them no time to develop the public personas presumed to be essential for surviving a life subject to that level of scrutiny. “There is a distance that naturally happens as you rise up the political ladder,” says Jarrett. “And I think because his rise happened so fast there was no time to create that distance.” To illustrate, she tells me a story about the time in 2004 when she was vacationing with the Obamas on Martha’s Vineyard, shortly after state senator Obama gave the keynote address at the Democratic National Convention in Boston that launched him onto the national stage. “He went out for a jog,” says Jarrett, “and he came back and he said, ‘Can you believe it? Someone took a photograph of me.’ He was shocked. And we were like, ‘Really?’ He and Michelle went back to southern Illinois and suddenly they were rock stars.”

The president chooses to see their rapid ascent as an advantage. “I think that’s been very helpful . . .” he says. “We were pretty much who we are by the time I hit the national scene. We didn’t grow up or come of age under a spotlight. We were anonymous folks. I was a state senator, but nobody knows who a state senator is. So most of our 30s and 40s were as a typical middle-class family. . . . That really didn’t change until I was 45 years old. And there’s something about having lived a normal life and raised kids.” Here he slips into the syntax of his younger self. “We had to figure out how to make a mortgage, payin’ the bills, goin’ to Target, and freakin’ out when . . . the woman who’s looking after your girls while Michelle’s working suddenly decides she’s quittin’. . . . All those experiences made us who we were, so that by the time this thing hit, it was hard for us to. . . .”

“Be different people,” says the First Lady. “And I think we are accountable to each other for being who we are. There’s no way I could walk in the door and be somebody different from who I’ve been with this man for 20-some-odd years. He would laugh me out of the house!” She goes on, “And we are also blessed with families who hold us accountable.”

“Exactly,” says the president.

This reminds me of something the First Lady’s brother told me. “I played basketball in England for two years,” said Craig Robinson, “and I didn’t realize it, but apparently, I developed somewhat of an accent, and my sister and my father killed me when I came back. They were like, ‘What happened? You go to England and you have an accent?’ It would have been the same thing if Michelle had gotten to be the First Lady and started acting differently. She would have heard it from me and my mom.”

“My mother doesn’t do interviews,” says the First Lady, “but let me tell you: She is not long on pretense. She’s the first one to remind us who we are. And it’s been very helpful having her living with us. . . . We can check reality against her sensibilities.”

“Now, in fairness,” says the president, “there is one thing that’s changed.” The First Lady looks at him. “What’s that?”

“Which is, I used to only have, like, two suits,” he says.

Now you must have dozens, I say.

“Thank God,” she says. “Now, let me tell you: This is the man who still boasts about, This khaki pair of pants I’ve had since I was 20.” The president throws his head back, laughing. “And I’m like, ‘You don’t want to brag about that.’ ” Jay Carney and the young staffers from the White House press office, who are all sitting on a sofa on the other side of the room, crack up.

“Michelle’s like Beyoncé in that song,” says the president. “ ‘Let me upgrade ya!’ She upgraded me.”

“The girls and I are always rooting when he wears, like, a stripe. They’re like, ‘Dad! Oh, you look so handsome. Oh, stripes! You go!’ ”

Taking fashion advice from the First Lady wouldn’t be the worst thing the president could do. After all, she has inspired a modern definition of effortless American chic. Later she tells me this about her relationship to fashion: “I always say that women should wear whatever makes them feel good about themselves. That’s what I always try to do. . . . I also believe that if you’re comfortable in your clothes it’s easy to connect with people and make them feel comfortable as well. In every interaction that I have with people, I always want to show them my most authentic self.”

The week I am in D.C. happens to be Secretary Hillary Clinton’s last week at the State Department, and just outside Valerie Jarrett’s office, glowing on the computer screen of her longtime assistant, Katherine Branch, is a photograph taken this very day of the president and the secretary: He is signing a presidential memorandum promoting gender equality and women’s issues globally as a priority at the Department of State, a longtime cause of Clinton’s. When I remind Jarrett of the bruising primary and the rancor that colored those days before Obama nominated Clinton to his Cabinet, she laughs and then brings up the recent joint interview the former rivals gave to 60 Minutes. “I saw him yesterday and I said, ‘Did you watch the interview?’ And he goes, ‘No, I lived the interview.’ And I said, ‘You gotta watch it. What you probably aren’t aware of is how the affection that you two have for one another just came through completely.’ And he said, ‘Well, of course it did. I love her.’ ”

As we talk, Jarrett draws my attention to an elaborately framed pair of documents on the wall above the table where we are sitting. It is a birthday gift from the president, given to her just nine days after he won reelection. I get up to study them. On the left is the “petition for universal suffrage,” dated January 29, 1866; on the right, a proposal from the House of Representatives, dated May 19, 1919: “Amendment to the Constitution extending the right of suffrage to women.”

“It’s, like, the real thing!” says Jarrett. “Signed by Susan B. Anthony!” The day she opened the present in the Oval Office, she stared at it for a minute, and as the significance of the gift dawned on her, she said, “Where did you get this?” And he said, “I’m the president. I can get things.” Reminding his best friend of the legacy of those women who have come before is thoughtful, but its underlying message is echt-Obama: Progress takes time. (Fifty-three years in this case.) When I mention this to the president, he lights up. “We talk about this all the time in the White House,” he says. “In some ways the changes that have taken place in this country are amazingly rapid. There are very few examples of countries where you go, basically in one person’s lifetime, from segregation to an African-American president. And yet, we live in a culture that is impatient, and so, if things don’t happen in one month or one year, folks start wondering what’s taking so long.”

David Axelrod no longer works in the White House, but there was no more beleaguered presence on television during the first term, doggedly defending his boss against the ideologues in his own party. “I was struck,” he says, “that there were so many who were unhappy about how long, for example, it took to end the Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell policy, and there were some who felt that the health-care law was insufficient. And, you know, hanging on the wall in the Oval Office was the Emancipation Proclamation. It was a reminder that there was great disquiet among many in [Lincoln’s] Republican base that he didn’t sign it immediately. And there were those who felt it wasn’t enveloping enough. But it was what he could do, and it was momentous. And you are reminded of that constantly in that building, and it’s comforting to remember that you can only judge these things in the fullness of time.”

What’s astonishing is just how suddenly such liberal-dream issues like gun control, immigration reform, and marriage equality have dominated the outset of Obama’s second term. I point out to Axelrod that these would seem to be perfect lessons in presidential patience: how unseen events can create, out of thin air, political opportunities over once intractable issues. “There’s no question about it,” he says. “We have a chance now to get immigration done, whereas we didn’t have that chance in the last four years. The awareness of the gaping holes in our gun laws is much greater now as a result of the tragedy in Newtown. But you have to grab that moment. That’s how progress is made. And the longer you serve in the presidency, the more you learn that.”

Though President Obama faces moral quagmires of every imaginable sort in every part of the world, from the Keystone oil pipeline to drone strikes to peace in the Middle East, in the big picture, he will no doubt be remembered for ordering the assassination of Osama bin Laden and ending the war in Iraq and hopefully Afghanistan. But if he accomplishes even part of the agenda he laid out in his inaugural address, he has the chance to go down in history as one of the greatest domestic-policy presidents ever. The issues that he’s prioritized—health care, reviving the economy, education, and now, gun control, immigration reform, and marriage equality—are first and foremost family issues. The First Lady’s initiatives—military families and childhood nutrition and health—likewise are about as domestic as you can get. If you think about it, who better than the man who can’t wait to get home to his wife and kids every night at 6:30—the Dad-in-Chief—to carry the flag on what the future of the American Family should look like?

“Well, I’ll tell you,” says President Obama, his wife looking at him with a beatific smile as our interview winds down, “everything we have done has been viewed through the lens of family. And I mean family broadly conceived. I was raised by a single mom. We have kids in our family who were adopted. We have people from every race, every economic stratum; we have gay and lesbian couples who have been part of our lives for years. And all of them, what’s consistent is that sense that we look out for each other. And that’s the lens through which we’ve always viewed our public service. . . . Broadening this fierce sense that we have of: I’ve got your back. Beyond just the immediate family to the larger American family, and making sure everybody’s included and making sure that everybody’s got a seat at the table. . . .

“The work I did in the first couple of years to make sure we didn’t go into a Great Depression—that was family policy. Both of us, given our upbringings, know what it’s like when money is tight. Both of us know when a parent feels disappointed because they can’t do everything they can for their kids and the stresses and strains and the emotions that arise out of that. So, making sure people have jobs, making sure the economy is working, making sure that people’s savings aren’t dissipating—those have all been family policy as well. But there’s no doubt that as we stabilize the economy, part of what I’ve tried to argue, and certainly a major theme in my inauguration speech, was this idea that we’re all family, that we have obligations to each other, that we don’t just think about ourselves. This is a common enterprise. If I live in a city where I know kids are getting a good education, my life is better, even if they’re not my kids. If I know that women are getting paid the same as men for doing the same work, then when I have daughters, I’m going to feel confident that they’re going to be able to fulfill their dreams and ambitions. If I am looking out for that same-sex couple, making sure that they’ve got the same rights as everybody else does, then I’m confident that they’ll look out for somebody in my family who has some sort of difference, that they’re not going to be discriminated against, because that same principle applies. And that idea really is sort of at the heart of, not just my presidency, but who I am. And Michelle has applied that same idea with her work in Joining Forces and thinking about kids and nutrition. Look, they’re all our kids! They’re all our families.”

The day after my interview with the Obamas, I head back to the White House to attend a presentation ceremony for the National Science & Technology Medals laureates and their families. The Marine Corps band is playing jazz in the Entrance Hall, just inside the North Portico, as the attendees mill around, sipping soda and juice. Trumpets blare, “Ruffles and Flourishes” plays, and the president makes his entrance into the East Room. “If there is one idea that sets this country apart,” he says from his blue podium, “one idea that makes us different from every other nation on Earth, it’s that here in America, success does not depend on where you were born or what your last name is. . . .”

After the presentation, I am taken into the Blue Room, where there will be an opportunity for the medal recipients to pose for photographs with the forty-fourth president of the United States of America. Word comes that it will be another 20 minutes, and so a handful of staffers and I hang in the back of the room, scrolling through our BlackBerrys. Suddenly, a side door opens, and there he is, by himself, unannounced. The president spots me standing in the back of the room and shouts, “JonaTHAN!” It is how I imagine he might say my name on the court right after I sank a three-pointer just before the buzzer to win the game.

All the technology-medal recipients, most of them men in their 70s and 80s, are lined up on either side of the president for a group photo, which the president immediately begins to art-direct himself. You two get on this side. . . . We need one more person over here. . . . You stand next to me. That man is Art Rosenfeld, known in his field as “the godfather of efficient energy.” He is 86 and frail, and as they wait for some of the others to arrive, Rosenfeld struggles a bit. Just as the other men are being hustled into the room and lined up, Obama steadies Rosenfeld and then leans down and sweetly says in his ear, in a tone that every loving father in the world would recognize: “I gotcha.”

– March 14, 2013 12:01a.m.

 

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OBAMA! -OUR BLACK PRESIDENT HAS MADE HISTORY with his popular Vote TOTALS!

January 5, 2013

Obama’s popular vote totals put him in small club

The 2012 presidential election has obviously come and gone, but before we move on entirely, there’s a little tidbit of statistical trivia that struck me as interesting — and chart worthy.

Bloomberg reports today that, thanks to some provisional ballots that have now been counted in New York City, President Obama’s popular-vote total is up to 51.06%. That wouldn’t be especially interesting, were it not for the fact that Obama is the first presidential candidate since Dwight Eisenhower to top 51% twice.

In fact, in American history, this is a feat that’s only been pulled off by six presidents: Andrew Jackson, Ulysses S. Grant, William McKinley, Franklin D. Roosevelt, Eisenhower, and now, Barack Obama.

In case you’re wondering if Reagan made the cut, he came close, but ended up with 50.7% in 1980. Plenty of other candidates might have had a better shot at this, were it not for third-party candidates.

Also, though Obama’s popular-vote win on election night seemed quite narrow, it’s now grown to about four percentage points (and roughly 5 million votes), which is a pretty comfortable margin of victory.

We can debate the utility and value of electoral “mandates,” but if they mean anything, Obama has earned enough public backing to have Congress take his agenda seriously.

WHITEMAIL! (INSTEAD OF BLACKMAIL!)-THE WHITE HOMOSEXUAL SLAVEMASTER HAS SPOKEN! -BLACKS ARE STILL SLAVES IN AMERIKKKA AND MUST OBEY! – SO OBAMA MUST OBEY! -A JOURNALIST IN NIGERIA PINPOINTS HOW OBAMA WAS FORCED TO DO IT!-FROM PUNCH NEWSPAPERS,NIGERIA

May 22, 2012

Of principles, politics and Obama’s gay gamble
May 20, 2012 by Minabere Ibelema 7 Comments

When the United States President Barack Obama stunned the world by declaring his support for same-sex marriage, he explained that it was a matter of principle. He believes in equality for all people and that extending marriage rights to gays was an extension of that principle.

But there’s more to it.

The announcement was stunning, not so much for what Obama said but when he said it.

That Obama has been sympathetic to the gay community has been quite evident. Among other things, he saw to it that the Pentagon lifted the don’t-ask-don’t-tell policy that forbade gay military personnel from making public their homosexuality.

And his Justice Department refrained from representing the Federal Government in cases related to the Defence of Marriage Act, a law that forbade the recognition of same-sex marriages by federal departments and agencies.

For an administration to blatantly refuse to enforce a law that was duly passed by Congress and signed by a previous President is a rather serious matter. Though it is not without precedent, in some circumstances it could be impeachable.

Therefore,as a matter of law and politics, that stance was even more consequential than Obama’s declaration of support for same-sex marriage.

What was truly stunning then was Obama’s timing. Earlier in his political career, he had unequivocally opposed same-sex marriage. Then, as President, he had responded to a related question by saying that his personal view on the matter was still evolving.

That was, of course, the kind of answer that politicians give on issues of which they fear the consequences irrespective of the side they took. So, with about six months to go before the general elections, why would Obama risk it all by taking a stance now?

Well, it is a matter of blackmail and being backed into the wall. First, the latter.

When Vice-President Joseph Biden was asked recently about same-sex marriage, he said he was “comfortable” with it. It was inevitable that Obama would be called upon again to comment on the matter.

Obama was in a political quandary. He couldn’t afford to equivocate on a matter about which his vice-president had given a pointed response. He had to declare.

And then, there was the dimension of blackmail. No, not by any gay lover. Actually, the trending news before Obama’s same-sex marriage declaration had been about the release of love letters he wrote to his girlfriend in his earlier years.

The blackmail reportedly came from Hollywood, where some big wigs were planning a major campaign fundraiser for Obama. In case you are wondering the connection, Hollywood is a gay haven, perhaps second only to San Francisco.

According to the reports, some among the fundraisers pressured Obama to take a stand on same-sex marriage. The announcement, according to this thesis, was to appease that group.

Obama can use all the fund-raising help he can get. According to Bloomberg financial services, “The price tag on the 2012 presidential election is set to be the biggest ever.” That is higher than the combined price tag of more than $1bn for the 2008 election.

Even without a challenger in the primaries, Obama’s campaign has already expended more than $172m of the close to $197m it has raised so far. Yet the general elections campaign is merely in the warm-up stage.

Obama is set to duel it out with his enormously wealthy opponent, Mitt Romney. It is a circumstance in which even the most subtle blackmail can get it done.

Even then, the declaration of support for same-sex marriage is quite a gamble. If Obama were running for office anywhere in the world outside of Europe and North America, he is probably finished. Certainly, his stock has tumbled greatly in Nigeria.

Might the declaration cost Obama the election or help him? The best permutation at this time is, it all depends. Here’s what the political chessboard looks like.

Recent opinion polls show that a slight majority of Americans say that same sex marriage should be allowed.

The people who are most put off by Obama’s support of same-sex marriage are religious conservatives. But they vote solidly Republican, anyway. So, Obama has few votes to lose among them.

However, Obama’s staunchest supporters — blacks and Hispanics — are also overwhelmingly against same-sex marriage. Yet, he needs a heavy turnout by them — all voting predominantly for him — to win the election.

Obama knows this too well. His very next action after the announcement was to call the pastors of America’s largest and most influential black churches to explain himself. Predictably, he didn’t get many alleluias from them.

In fact, black pastors were already besieged with phone calls, texts and emails from dumbfounded members of their congregations seeking guidance. Many pastors had to address the issue in prayer meetings and Sunday sermons, with most disapproving but urging understanding.

“I believe the statement the president made and his decision was made in good faith. I am sure because the president is a good man,” Bishop Timothy Clark, of the First Church of God in Columbus, Ohio, told his congregation, according to USA Today.

In any case, African Americans’ support for Obama is so overwhelming and strong that it is unlikely that he will lose a lot of their votes in November. As would be predicted by the theory of cognitive dissonance, they are likely to find ways to rationalise away Obama’s decision.

The same may not be true of Hispanics, however. They are predominantly Catholic and, therefore, more conservative than African Americans in their view of social matters.

Independent voters, whose swings almost always determine the outcomes of presidential election, are another concern for Obama. Among them are people who are still sitting on the fence and for whom Obama’s position may be the tipping factor to the other side.

But the common wisdom is that independent voters tend to be swayed more by economic matters than social issues.

What is certain about all this is that Obama is an astute politician. He must have done the permutations and liked how the numbers turned out.

Echewe ozo May 20, 2012 at 7:37 am

If obama’s fada is a gay could he ve born obama d u.s president of today,when a man meets a woman during ovulation conception takes place nd dat is hw our mother’s bore us all,so dis unnatural method abi na shit una wan born,no bi shit fil d anus.to support stupidity or stupid gay is to make ve human extinction,b wise obama.
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James May 20, 2012 at 9:00 am

A confused society indeed.

michael May 20, 2012 at 10:46 am

AGBEKE AYANTUGA May 22, 2012 at 12:28 pm

WHITEMAIL! (INSTEAD OF BLACK MAIL!) -THE WHITE HOMOSEXUAL SLAVEMASTER HAS SPOKEN! BLACKS ARE STILL SLAVES IN AMERIKKKA AND MUST OBEY! -SO OBAMA MUST DO AS THE SLAVEMASTER TOLD HIM! NO FREEDOM FOR THE BLACK MAN IN AMERIKKKA!

BAYO ADEBOWALE’S LATEST HOT POETRY BOOK IS OUT! -THERE HAS NEVER BEEN A POETRY BOOK LIKE THIS ON AFRICA BEFORE! -GET YOUR COPY NOW!

February 24, 2012

Book cover

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BAYO ADEBOWALE’S LATEST GREAT POETRY BOOK IS OUT ! -”AFRICAN MELODY: A POETIC EXPOSITION OF THE AFRICAN ESSENCE” ! – GET YOUR COPY NOW ! -IT’S HISTORIC AND THERE HAS NEVER HAS BEEN ANY POETRY BOOK LIKE THIS BEFORE ON AFRICA!


Friday, February 24, 2012
BAYO ADEBOWALE’S LATEST GREAT POETRY BOOK IS OUT ! -”AFRICAN MELODY: A POETIC EXPOSITION OF THE AFRICAN ESSENCE” ! – GET YOUR COPY NOW ! -IT’S HISTORIC AND THERE HAS NEVER HAS BEEN ANY POETRY BOOK LIKE THIS BEFORE ON AFRICA!

OBAMA VS. CAIN-BLACK MEETS BLACK ON A BLACK PLAYING FIELD?

October 15, 2011

On Fulton Street, contemplating an all-black election.

By Mark Jacobson ⁠ Published Oct 14, 2011 ShareThis

(Photo: Illustration by Martin Ansin)

L

ike Ali and Frazier, two brothers for the championship of the world.” This was how it would be if, by some crazy chance, Barack Obama and Herman Cain wound up going head-to-head in November 2012, said Tommy Red, who was in the midst of getting his biweekly haircut at Levels Barbershop on Fulton Street in Brooklyn. His comparison was apt, Red insisted, buzz-cutters on the back of his neck. Ali was the artiste, the thinker with the pedigreed jab, “a mystical” individual, almost godlike. Smokin’ Joe, on the other hand, he was Everyman, the down-to-earth “grits and potatoes” grinder who kept on coming.

If Obama were Ali, and Cain took the Frazier role, that’s what it would come down to, said Red, who looked to be in his middle forties and said he was a “barely” employed construction worker. “You want Ali to win, but maybe you got more in common with Frazier.” It was Red’s position that a hypothetical race between Obama and Cain—straight up, with only black people voting, party affiliations excluded—might be “closer than you think.”

Red’s position was rebutted by his fellow patrons. “Herman Cain is nothing but a buffoon and a shill,” said Billy C., a 28-year-old in the middle of receiving treatment for his distressed dreadlocks. Billy had his problems with Obama, whom he wished had a bit more Frazier-like grit in his Harvard Goody Two-Shoes heart and soul. Billy was, after all, like many in the barbershop, and millions across the country, unemployed. He was onboard with the standard hood analysis that the Bushes had picked the country clean and then let the brother take the inevitable fall for it all. Still, you couldn’t totally absolve Obama. To do so would be to make him one more black victim of the white system, a self-defeating characterization at best. Still, Herman Cain? Cain was a leftover from another time, “a damn fool pizza CEO signed up to do whatever people in power say as long as he keeps getting his.”

Many felt Cain was little more than this year’s Jimmy McMillan, the candidate’s endlessly parroted “9-9-9” tax refrain holding no more water than McMillan’s “rent is too damn high” clown act. Cain was one more court jester, the Putney Swope at the table, and he wasn’t even good at it. He kept blowing the timing on the repeating punch line. The dude had allowed himself to be chumped by Michele Bachmann, who somehow came up with the crack about turning the nines upside down so everyone could see the devil in Cain’s details. On Fulton Street, few were willing to entertain the possibility of voting for a guy Bachmann could get over on like that.

It is a well-worn trope in the black community that once you get rich, you’re free to become a Republican. Even Jackie Robinson supported Nelson Rockefeller. But the idea that Herman Cain was supposed to be in the lead for the Republican nomination inspired widespread incredulity because how—just how—could a black man be in the lead for the Republican nomination during tea-party times? With Romney ceiling-glued at roughly 25 percent, Cain’s rise in the polls was in inverse proportion to the decline of Bachmann and Rick Perry. The huddled masses of Confederate-flag-flying Bachmann and Perry voters turning their yearning, hungry eyes to Herman Cain? Oh, yeah, that made a lot of sense.

There were times when to be black in America meant you could never be too paranoid. The fix was in, many people uptown and in Bed-Stuy thought. But which fix? A phone call to the Reverend Al Sharpton turned up the following quote: “You put Cain against Obama, straight up in the black community? Obama’ll win by about 95 to 3, with the rest staying home for rain. Cain’s not even running for the black vote. He came to New York, who did he talk to? Donald Trump! He didn’t go to Harlem, Brooklyn, anywhere black people live. What does that tell you? If Cain reminds any black person of anyone, it isn’t themselves, it is their grandfather, that old southern guy. Things have changed since then, just the Republicans don’t know it.”

Sharpton is in line with people who feel Cain is the GOP’s latest ham-fisted Frankenstein obsession to invent the perfect black Republican. In this scenario, they’d build Cain up, float fake stories about how he’s “in the running” to be Romney’s vice-president, and, when that dries up, use the former Pillsbury exec as what one person called “the No. 1 Negro in charge of Obama-­bashing.” If Cain succeeded in slicing 5 or 10 percent off Obama’s black vote, the operation would be a success.

Fair or not to Cain (who is already complaining that “liberal, leftist folk” in the black community are “racist” in their assumption that minority politicians cannot be conservative), one indisputable fact will remain: It was possible, at least for this fleeting instant in time, to have a halfway serious conversation about two black men running against each other for president. It won’t last, but it’ll be weird while it does.

Have good intel? Send tips to intel@nymag.com.
gg

BLACKS SPEAK OUT ON OBAMA,S PROBLEMS

October 9, 2011

Loyal black base craves a fighter in the Oval Office

But debate rages: Has Obama done enough to help African-Americans?

By Tim Funk and Celeste Smith
tfunk@charlotteobserver.com, csmith@charlotteobserver.com

Posted: Sunday, Oct. 09, 2011

It’s the lunch hour, and President Barack Obama is live, talking jobs, on a big TV screen at No Grease Exclusive Barber Shop in uptown Charlotte.

Along with the NBA labor troubles and the sour economy, the country’s first African-American president is a hot topic in this shop, which cuts the hair of about 400 customers every week.

So Jermaine Johnson, who co-owns No Grease with twin brother Damian, has heard it all in what’s become a raging debate over whether Obama is doing enough to help a hurting African-American community whose enthusiasm and high turnout were crucial to him winning North Carolina and the White House in 2008.

“They talk about the (difficulty) he’s having in passing any new ideas that will help stimulate the economy,” Jermaine Johnson, 38, says of the chatter from his customers. “The word on the street is that the Republicans are turning down anything he puts forth.”

But barber-chair pollster Johnson also is hearing something else: If Obama expects the black community to be there for him in equal numbers in 2012, he needs to become more of a fighter.

“We would like to see a little more bravado from this president – the cowboy going in there to make it happen,” says Johnson, whose shop is a few doors down from Time Warner Cable Arena, where Democrats will nominate Obama for a second term next year.

“He’s been doing what’s expected in politics – crossing lines and trying to get the parties together … But I think he’s over-exhausted it. He’s done it too long. It’s time to stand up for what you believe.”

Apparently, the president has been getting the same advice from political advisers who are concerned about his declining poll numbers, including among his base in the black community. A Washington Post-ABC News Poll last month found that 58 percent of African-Americans had “strongly favorable” views of Obama – down from 83 percent in the spring.

In recent weeks, Obama has been barnstorming the country, promoting his $450 billion American Jobs Act and leading town hall chants for Congress to “pass this bill now.”

He plans to bring his case to North Carolina the week of Oct. 17 as a part of a bus caravan that also will take him to Virginia, another 2012 swing state.

With this new tone, says Urban League of Central Carolinas President Patrick Graham, Obama is going back to his roots: “You’re seeing more of the community organizer.”

U.S. Rep. Mel Watt, D-N.C., a former head of the Congressional Black Caucus, says it’s about time.

“A lot of people have been frustrated that he’s bent over backwards (to work with Republicans),” says Watt, whose district includes much of Charlotte. “Now he’s starting to draw lines and differentiate himself. It’s what people have been looking for.”

‘Our people are hurting’

The president’s new populism comes after weeks of criticism from some high-profile black leaders, who have said that Obama was not addressing the needs of the African-American community, where unemployment is much higher than the national rate.

Among blacks in Charlotte, the jobless rate is more than 19 percent. In August, Charlotte’s overall unemployment rate was 9.8 percent.

U.S. Rep. Maxine Waters, D-Calif., wondered aloud why a previous Obama bus tour over the summer made stops in the rural Midwest, but not in, say, urban Detroit.

“We’re supportive of the president but we’re getting tired, y’all,” she said at an August jobs fair in Detroit that was sponsored by the Congressional Black Caucus. “We want to give the president every opportunity to show what he can do and what he’s prepared to lead on. But our people are hurting.”

PBS and radio talk show host Tavis Smiley and Princeton University professor Cornel West also have taken shots at Obama. In their “Poverty Tour” bus trip in August, they charged that Obama has failed to stand up for the poor. (The show airs on PBS this week.)

Former Charlotte Bobcats owner Bob Johnson last week blasted the president from the other side of the ideological spectrum, saying he should “recalibrate” his targeting of the wealthy in his tax proposals and rhetoric.

“You don’t get people to like you by attacking them or demeaning their success,” said Johnson, one of the country’s wealthier Democrats.

But this heated debate over the first black president’s record and tactics as election year nears also has drawn plenty of Obama backers.

Other prominent radio and TV personalities – including Tom Joyner, Steve Harvey and the Rev. Al Sharpton – have defended Obama and attacked West and Smiley.

The president got an enthusiastic reception at a recent Black Caucus dinner even as he invited members in a fiery speech to stop their complaining and “put on your marching shoes. …We are going to press on.”

And most African-Americans who’ve been heard from – the famous and the rank-and-file – couldn’t disagree more with Johnson’s plea to go easier on the rich and try yet again to compromise with the GOP on Capitol Hill.

Former Charlotte Mayor Harvey Gantt says he would advise the president to stay in the bully pulpit “instead of pulling back and allowing the Congress to make certain decisions and then stepping into the fray. He’s really got to tell the American people what he wants.”

Claude Mayse, 57, a Charlottean who’s unemployed and has been unable to find a sales job, likes the tougher Obama. On everything from the shape of the health reform plan to the size of the economic stimulus package, Mayse says, “I felt like (Obama) compromised too much.”

Now, Mayse adds approvingly, “he’s circumventing (the Republicans) and going straight to the people.”

Enthusiasm is the key

No one is predicting that the frustration out there will cause black voters to cross over en masse and back Obama’s GOP challenger. Not even Herman Cain, an African-American businessman who’s a hit with a surging number of mostly white Republicans, generated much interest among local black voters interviewed last week by the Observer.

The latest breakdown from Public Policy Polling found that 87 percent of North Carolina blacks approve of Obama – down from the 90-plus percent support he received at the polls in 2008, but still very high. (Among all Americans, Obama’s favorability rate now averages 46 percent; among all North Carolinians, 44 percent.)

But polls don’t always measure enthusiasm. Turnout numbers do, and in 2008, black turnout increased by almost 5 percent nationally, while white turnout slightly declined.

If the excitement level for the president is only so-so come Election Day 2012, many black voters may not bother to go to the polls, worries Joel Ford, who was Mecklenburg County Democratic Party chairman when Obama was elected in 2008. That year, Obama carried one westside precinct, 639 votes to 8 – 98.6 percent.

“There is a possibility that some will stay home, and a possibility that some won’t stand in lines,” Ford says. “The president’s got work to do.”

Barber shop co-owner Jermaine Johnson says he and his brother have a lot of “newly unemployed” people among their clientele. And though these customers don’t look to Obama to single-handedly solve their problem, Johnson says, “when you have a president who looks like you and he still can’t push the envelope for you, you get some frustration.”

On the other hand, Johnson says, frustration in the black community also has given rise to, perhaps, a more realistic view about the limits to what one person – even the president of the United States – can do.

“I think it’s still going to be a big (African-American) turnout (in 2012),” he says. “But I don’t think it’s going to be a lot of ‘rah rah’ … because, during his first term, a lot more people have gotten educated on what he can and cannot do.”

There’s also a growing sense that Obama inherited maybe the toughest plate of problems, national and international, since Franklin Roosevelt, who took office during the Great Depression. Wars in Iraq and Afghanistan were draining money and troops. And the financial meltdown that rocked Wall Street and threatened banks just weeks before Election Day 2008 were causing mass job losses.

“A lot of people are having a reality check,” says veteran Charlotte radio personality Beatrice Thompson, news and public affairs director and talk show host for WBAV and WPEG. “I don’t think anyone truly understood what condition the country was in. … I have to admire (Obama) for not losing his cool given what he had to work with.”

Charlotte Mayor Anthony Foxx says Obama’s seriousness in trying to deal with those big challenges will eventually win over many voters – black and white – who may now feel ambivalent about the president.

“He’s had a tough hand dealt to him, and he’s had to make some tough calls,” says Foxx, who spearheaded the campaign to bring Obama’s 2012 convention to Charlotte. “When the story is told, I think many, many, many people will come back and support him.”

Still, Foxx and others acknowledge that there’s been some complaining that Obama has not paid enough attention to the needs of an African-American community that was there for him in 2008.

Gantt says that same tension was there in the 1980s, when he became the first African-American to be elected Charlotte’s mayor.

“That’s a touchy thing for an African-American president,” he says. “You still have to convince a lot of your electorate – because of your skin color – that you’re there to support the cause of all Americans.”

Johnson C. Smith University senior Kirsten Anderson Hall, an aspiring city manager who’s 20 and will be casting her first presidential vote next year, says she agrees – and disagrees.

“It’s the United States of America, not the United States of America and black people,” she says. “But that doesn’t mean he needs to displace us and forget about us.”

The debate goes on

Back at No Grease, the challenge for Obama is evident from this conversation between customer Jason Vicks, 37, who owns a restaurant and real estate agency, and his barber.

Vicks: “Obama is not doing the hiring. Obama is our president. He can only do what he is able to do…. Obama does not own the restaurant up the street or any business (where) he could employ African-Americans.”

Damian Johnson: “He can create the opportunities for us to hire (black people). If we’re ever going to have an opportunity as a people – black people here in America – this is our prime time to do it, with an African-American president. … He needs to stand up to the powers that be.”

OBAMA-GIVE OUR BLACK PRESIDENT THE CREDIT FOR HIS BLACK ACTIONS!-”THANKS TO OBAMA AMERICA IS SAFER”

August 31, 2011

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Thanks to Obama, U.S. is safer since 9/11

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The President deserves credit for taking out bin Laden, Gadhafi, and al-Rahman, al Qaeda’s number two leader.Photo: The White House (Flickr)
Tuesday, August 30, 2011 – Ad Lib by Catherine Poe
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EASTON, Md, August 31, 2011 — President Obama has been taking it on the chin from both Right and the Left this past year.

The Right, of course, gives him credit for nothing, and the Left has been none too happy with his domestic agenda, from watered down health care reform to a weak stimulus package to his timid negotiations with GOP leaders.

However, there is one area where he deserves high praise, and that’s his foreign policy. While many Americans don’t always understand his strategy and have been irritated by the slow withdrawal from Iraq and Afghanistan, we’ve generally underestimated his ability to be strong and decisive in the Middle East, resulting in a safer America.

It all began in June 2009 with his famous Cairo speech where he laid the groundwork for what has become known as The Arab Spring:

“I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn’t steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.”

Today in Egypt, those very words have become the seeds for the revolution that ultimately toppled Hosni Mubarek and then rode the winds of change to Syria and Libya. The Arab Summer is now in full flower.

Arab Summer in the Desert

Of course, his team of Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and former Defense Secretary Robert Gates deserve a big chunk of the credit and our thanks. Fortunately, Obama kept Gates on. Originally appointed by George W. Bush, Gates has been one of the truly outstanding cabinet officers in both administrations. And again fortunately, Hillary Clinton didn’t go off in a snit after she lost the primary to Obama but agreed to be his Secretary of State.

We won’t know the full story behind this triumvirate’s successes until years from now when they sit down and write their memoirs, but it is obvious that Obama heeded President Teddy Roosevelt’s admonition that America’s leaders “need to speak softly, but carry a big stick and you will go far.”

Osama bin Laden

Now comes the results of that soft diplomacy on another level, the use of that “big stick” to put an end to three major terrorists: Osama bin Laden, Moammar Gadhafi and Atiyah Abd al-Rahman. What? You never heard of the last guy? A lot of people haven’t, but more on him later.

Bin Laden: When the world learned that President Obama had ordered the Navy Seals to take out Osama bin Laden on May 2, we were both shocked and joyous. Shocked that all along, the President had been zeroing in on bin Laden like a laser. “No Drama Obama” was patient, just biding his time.

And we were joyous, of course, that the mastermind behind the destruction of the Twin Towers and the deaths of thousands of Americans was no more. It is supposed to be heartless and wrong to celebrate the death of someone, even an enemy, but I suspect in this case, not even Jesus would have turned the other cheek.

Gadhafi: When the President first decided to help the Libyan rebels by lending air support to NATO’s efforts to pry Gadhafi out of Tripoli and then Libya, I was angry. He was acting unilaterally, only letting Congress and the American people know after the fact. It’s true that for 42 years Gadhafi was more than a thorn in America’s side. He was also a major exporter of terrorism, bringing down Pan Am 103 in 1988. But President Obama’s actions, even if he were “leading from behind” smacked of Cheney-style foreign policy.

However, if we and NATO had not stepped in, there is little doubt that Gadhafi would have mowed down the rebels like so much winter wheat. Our intervention – from air power to intelligence – gave the rebels the edge they needed and they soon put this cruel despot in a desperate situation.

His wife, two sons, and a daughter have escaped to Algeria. Where he is at this writing is not known. However, Gadhafi can run, but he can’t hide. Even now, he may be holed up as was Saddam Hussein in some “spider’s hole” in the desert. But he will be found and, if captured alive, he will be tried as a war criminal.

So President Obama’s plan, one of biding his time and patience, again paid off, with Libya being free within six months of our intervention and without a single American death or even one boot on the ground.

Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi (Photo: Associated Press)

Yes, I still wish the President had adhered to the War Powers Act of 1973, but to watch another terrorist bite the dust is oh, so sweet.

Is It A Trifecta?

Al-Rahman: Last week, a drone strike in Pakistan took out Atiyah Abd al-Rahman, a Libyan and the No. 2 man who, as Al Qaeda’s top operations planner, was much more dangerous to us than some of the other No. 2’s who have been killed or captured in the past.

He had been bin Laden’s right hand man.

“Atiyah was at the top of Al Qaeda’s trusted core,” an unnamed American official has explained. “His combination of background, experience and abilities are unique in Al Qaeda — without question, they will not be easily replaced.”

Before bin Laden’s death, al-Rahman had not only been disseminating the leader’s messages to the terrorist network, but had ensured bin Laden’s words reached the world as well.

More importantly, the two men plotted strategy, from how to make a deal with Pakistan to be their safe haven to how to strengthen al Qaeda affiliates in Yemen and North Africa, including better use of the radical American Muslim cleric Anwar al-Awlaki in the Arabian Peninsula.

Losing someone as essential to al Qaeda operations as al-Rahman has severely undermined the core organization and further weakened the ability of its current leader Ayman al-Zawahri (who succeeded bin Laden) to keep control of the already fracturing group.

al-Rahman National Counter Terrorism Center

It is also true that during the seven years following 9/11, we had no attacks on our soil from terrorists outside of our country, and we thwarted a great many others here and abroad. And for this President Bush deserves credit and our thanks.

But the death of bin Laden and al-Rahman, and now the liberation of Libya are three events that have made us even safer. Not entirely safe, since our enemies are still out there, but we are safer than we were last year at this time.

So I must give credit where credit is due and say thanks to the President and his team for making the Arab Spring and now the Arab Summer possible.

Now if only President Obama would take that same steely resolve to facing down the implacable Republican Congress. I don’t know, but maybe fighting terrorism is easier.

To contact Catherine Poe, see above. Her work appears in Ad Lib in the Communities at the Washington Times. She can also be heard on the Democrats for America’s Future.
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LYNCHING PHOTO BOOK REVIEW- FROM http://www2.liu.edu/cwis/cwp/library/african/2000/lynching.htm

May 2, 2011

FROM http://www2.liu.edu/cwis/cwp/library/african/2000/lynching.htm
Lynchings in America
A History Not Known By Many
When I was a boy growing up in New Orleans, Louisiana, the word lynching was hardly ever mentioned. My parents only said these “mean” acts happened in the country (rural areas) with white men in white gowns (the KKK). In all my schooling, through high school and on to college, lynching was never part of a lecture or connected with American history. I knew of the word, lynching, but never, never the scope of this violent, hateful act.

On Thursday, January 13, 2000, an article entitled, “An Ugly Legacy Lives on, Its Glare Unsoftened by Age,” by Robert Smith was published in the New York Times. This excellent article revealed a world not known by many Americans living today and especially by me. Without my explaining here, it should be read by all persons, especially as it pertains to race and hate. Without understanding this past evil history, we cannot understand why hate is on the rise today in this year of 2000.

After reading the New York Times article, I wanted to know more about lynching and what could possibly be presented on this squeamish subject. It turned out that an exhibit of rare collected photo postcards were on display featuring lynchings as they took place in America from 1883-1960. I saw this exhibit. It was on view at the Roth Horowitz Gallery in New York City until February 12, 2000. This small gallery took in only about fifteen people at a time, and the line was long. Watching the viewers as they exited revealed what was inside: people with tears, some with anguish, some looked surprised with the horror they had seen.

This New York exhibition presented the collected photocards of Mr. James Allen, a white Atlanta resident who, for fifteen years, sought out these images of racial horror and self-righteous vigilante acts as rare finds. Since most of these photocards were kept as “keepsakes” by some families, Mr. Allen had to solicit ads for purchase. He paid from fifteen dollars to as much as thirty thousand dollars for individual cards. The sixty photo postcards and other material were temporarily housed in the library at Emory University to allow scholars to have access to it, but are now being held by their owner at withoutsanctuary.org.

Melvin Sylvester, Feb. 2000

Photographs:
1930 lynching of Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith in Marion, Indiana
Photo from the official 1977 Citadel yearbook
1919 lynching William Brown in Douglas County, Nebraska

1935 lynching of Rubin Stacy in Fort Lauderdale, Florida

Lynching In America
A Book on the Subject
This book, Without Sanctuary: Lynching photography in America (by James Allen, Hilton Als, Leon F. Litwack, with a forward by Congressman John Lewis; Twin Palms Publishers, 2000), is a new, startling book on this shocking topic of lynching in America. This book is an extension of the exhibit held at the Roth Horowitz Gallery and the collected photo postcards of Mr. James Allen of Atlanta, Georgia. Pages of actual real life lynchings are captured with photos and dates with explanatory texts about where these dastardly acts occurred. Mr. Allen says, “Without Sanctuary is a grim reminder that a part of the American past we would prefer for various reasons to forget we need very much to remember.” The book is a vivid account of the existence of lynching on American soil. On view in the book are ninety-eight plates of lynchings and the victims and the people surrounding the actual executions. A few were white; a few were women; but most were African-American men used as prime targets for lynch mobs. To see this book is to try and understand, but it is not for the squeamish viewer or persons not able to transcend reasons why these acts should never have happened.

1936 lynching of Lint Shaw in Royston, Georgia

For Further Reading

About Lynching / Robert L. Zangrando, John F. Callahan, and Dickson D. Bruce, Jr. Modern American Poetry : An Online Journal and Multimedia Companion to Anthology of Modern American Poetry. Urbana, IL : Department of English of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2002.

The aesthetics and politics of the crowd in American literature / Mary. Esteve. Cambridge, U.K. ; New York : Cambridge University Press, 2003. PS169.C75E88 2003

Covers lynching in literature

American lynching : a documenatry feature / Gode Davis and James M. Fortier. Herndon, VA : Bitter Fruit Productions, 2005.

“This documentary explores racist events and attitudes indigenous to the Northern and Southern states that either condoned or condemned lynching as a practice.”

American Negro short stories / John Henrik Clarke. New York : Hill and Wang, 1966. PS647.A35C55 1966x

Includes “The lynching of Jube Benson” by Paul Laurence Dunbar

Anatomy of a lynching : the killing of Claude Neal / James R. McGovern. Baton Rouge : Louisiana State University Press, 1982. HV6465.F6M35 1982

And the dead shall rise : the murder of Mary Phagan and the lynching of Leo Frank / Steve Oney. New York : Pantheon Books, 2003. HV6534.A7O54 2003

Anti-lynching crusaders helped free our country / Philip Dray. Newsday, A39 (741 words), June 15, 2005.

An apology for old form of terror : Senate expected to vote tomorrow on resolution regarding its failure to help end practice of lynching / Martin C. Evans. Newsday, A34 (600 words), June 12, 2005.

At the hands of persons unknown : the lynching of Black America / Philip Dray. New York : Random House, 2002. HV6464.D73 2002

The awful truth: a photography exhibition unearths the painful history of lynching in America / Danny Postel. Chronicle of Higher Education, 48(44):A14 (3 pages), July 12, 2002.

Black manhood on the silent screen / Gerald R. Butters. Lawrence : University Press of Kansas, 2002. PN1995.9.N4B88 2002

Includes “Oscar Micheaux: From Homestead to Lynch Mob”

Call for reconciliation : Minister attacked by Klansmen seeks understanding as alleged mastermind in triple killing faces trial / John Moreno Gonzales. Newsday, A07 (733 words), June 13, 2005.

Crime, but no punishment : Georgia town is still divided over the murders of four blacks nearly 60 years ago / Tina Susman. Newsday, A30 (1633 words), March 30, 2005.

Dangerous liaisons : gender, nation, and postcolonial perspectives / Anne McClintock, Aamir Mufti, and Ella Shohat. Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press, 1997. JC312.D36 1997

Includes “On the threshold of woman’s era : lynching, empire, and sexuality in Black feminist theory” by Hazel V. Carby

The Duluth Lynchings Online Resource : a collection of historical documents relating to the tragic events of June 15, 1920. Minnesota Historical Society. St. Paul, MN : The Society, 2003.

“This web site facilitates access to over 2,000 pages of scanned documents to provide an in-depth and scholarly resource of primary source materials on the subject, designed also for those unfamiliar with this tragic event.”

The Duluth Lynchings Online Resource: historical documents relating to the tragic events of June 15, 1920 / Scott Ellsworth. Journal of American History, 91(1):349-350, June 2004.

Discusses the website: http://collections.mnhs.org/duluthlynchings/

Ebony rising : short fiction of the greater Harlem Renaissance era / Craig Gable. Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 2004. PS647.A35E24 2004

Includes “Lynching for profit” by George S. Schuyler

Elite Georgia’s dark secret / Linda Kulman. U.S. News & World Report, 135(13):49, (800 words), Oct 20, 2003.

1915 lynching of Leo Frank

Etiquette, lynching, and racial boundaries in southern history: a Mississippi example / J. William Harris. American Historical Review, 100(2):387 (24 pages), April 1995.

Exorcising blackness : historical and literary lynching and burning rituals / Trudier Harris. Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1984. PS153.N5H28 1984

F.B.I. discovers trial transcript in Emmett Till case / Shaila Dewan and Ariel Hart. New York Times, A14 (917 words), May 18, 2005.

A festival of violence : an analysis of Southern lynchings, 1882-1930 / Stewart Emory Tolnay and E. M., Beck. Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1995. HV6464.T65 1995

The first Waco horror : the lynching of Jesse Washington and the rise of the NAAC / Patricia Bernstein. Houston, TX : Patriciabernstein.com, 2005.

Website to accompany the book.

Fresh outrage in Waco at grisly lynching of 1916 / Ralph Blumenthal. New York Times, A26 (1598 words), May 1, 2005.

Gender, class, race, and reform in the progressive era / Noralee Frankel and Nancy Schrom Dye. Lexington, KY : University Press of Kentucky, 1991. HQ1419.G46 1991

Includes “African-American women’s networks in the anti-lynching crusade” by Rosalyn Terborg-Penn

Go down, Moses : the miscegenation of time / Arthur F. Kinney. New York : Twayne Publishers ; London : Prentice HallInternational, 1996. PS3511.A86G6349 1996

Treatment of lynching in the William Faulkner work

Jasper, Tex., and the ghosts of lynchings past. New York Times, A26 (576 words), Feb 25, 1999.

Revulsion at the death of James Byrd Jr. demonstrates a sea change in public sentiment toward lynchings

Judge Lynch: his first hundred years / Frank Shay and Arthur Franklin Raper. Montclair, NJ : Patterson Smith, 1969. HV6457.S5 1969b

The killing season: a history of lynching in America / Philip Dray. The New Crisis, 109(1):41 (3 pages), January-February 2002.

Excerpt from “At the Hands of Persons Unknown: the Lynching of of Black America”

Kin disagree on exhumation of Emmett Till / Gretchen Ruethling. New York Times, A3 (357 words), May 6, 2005.

The legacy of a lynching / Robert F. Worth. American Scholar, 67(2):65 (13 pages), Spring 1998.

“Like a violin for the wind to play”: lyrical approaches to lynching by Hughes, Du Bois, and Toomer / Kimberly Banks. African American Review, 38(3):451 (15 pages), Fall 2004.

Critical essay

Local sequential patterns: the structure of lynching in the deep South, 1882-1930 / Karherine Stovel. Social Forces, 79(3):843 (14134 words), March 2001.

Lynch-law; an investigation into the history of lynching in the United States / James Elbert Cutler. New York : Negro Universities Press, 1969. HV6457.C8 1969b

Lynch Street : the May 1970 slayings at Jackson State College / Tim Spofford. Kent, OH : Kent State University Press, 1988. F349.J13S66 1988

The lyncher in me : a search for redemption in the face of history / Warren Read. St. Paul, MN : Borealis Books, 2008.
Chronicles the author’s experiences with having discovered his great-grandfather’s role in the Duluth lynchings of 1920 and his subsequent search for the descendants of the victims.

Lynching / John Simkin. Spartcus Educational.

Lynching in America : carnival of death / Mark Gado. TrueTV Crime Library : Criminal Minds and Methods. New York : Turner Broadcasting System, [2005?].

A lynching in the heartland : race and memory in America / James H. Madison. New York : Palgrave, 2001. F534.M34M33 2001

The lynching of persons of Mexican origin or descent in the United States, 1848 to 1928 / William D. Carrigan. Journal of Social History, 37(2):411 (29 pages), Winter 2003.

Lynching victim is cleared of rape, 100 years later / Emily Yellin. New York Times, Section 1, 24 (912 words), Feb 27, 2000.

Ed Johnson from Chattanooga, Tennessee

Masculinity : bodies, movies, culture / Peter Lehman. New York : Routledge, 2001. PN1995.9.M46M34 2001

Includes “Lynching photography and the ‘black beast rapist’ in the southern white masculine imagination” by Amy Louise Wood

Media, process, and the social construction of crime : studies in newsmaking criminology / Gregg Barak. New York : Garland Pub., 1994. P96.C74M43 1994

Includes “Communal violence and the media : lynchings and their news coverage by The New York Times between 1882 and 1930″ by Ira M. Wasserman and Steven Stack

Minstrel show; or, The lynching of William Brown (The Plays of Max Sparber) / Max Sparber. Minneapolis, MN : Sparberfans.Blogspot.Com, 1998.

“Retells the story of the real-life murder of an African-American man in Omaha, Nebraska, in 1919, through the narration of two fictional African-American blackface performers.”

The murder of Emmett Louis Till, revisited. / Brent Staples. The New York Times, A16 (912 words), Nov 11, 2002.

New documetary film may cause the 1955 Mississipi case to be reopened

The NAACP crusade against lynching, 1909-1950 / Robert L. Zangrando. Philadelphia : Temple University Press, 1980. HV6457.Z36

The Negro holocaust: lynching and race riots in the United States, 1880-1950 / Robert A. Gibson. Yale-New Haven Teachers Institute. New Haven : Yale University, 1979 ; posted 2005.

Curriculum unit.

The old religion / David Mamet. New York : Free Press, 1997. PS3563.A4345O39 1997

Play about a lynching in Georgia

On looking: lynching photographs and legacies of Lynching after 9/11 / Dora Apel. American Quarterly, 55(3):457-478, Sept 2003.

On lynchings: Southern horrors, A red record, Mob rule in New Orleans / Ida B. Wells-Barnett. New York : Arno Press, 1969. HV6457.B37

Plays of Negro life; a source-book of native American drama / Alain LeRoy Locke and Montgomery Gregory. Westport, CT : Negro Universities Press, 1970. PS627.N4L6 1970

Includes “Judge Lynch” by J. W. Rogers, Jr.

Race, rape, and lynching : the red record of American literature, 1890-1912 / Sandra Gunning. New York : Oxford University Press, 1996. PS173.N4G86 1996

Racial violence and representation: performance strategies in lynching dramas of the 1920s / Judith L. Stephens. African American Review, 33(4):655 (10281 words), Winter 1999.

Racial violence on trial : a handbook with cases, laws, and documents / Christopher Waldrep. Santa Barbara, CA : ABC-CLIO, 2001. KF221.M8W35 2001

Reading rape : the rhetoric of sexual violence in American literature and culture, 1790-1990 / Sabine Sielke. Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press, 2002. PS374.R35S54 2002

Includes “‘The one crime’ and ‘the real ‘one crime” : rape, lynching, and mimicry in Sutton E. Griggs’s ‘The Hindered hand’”

Remember, and learn : the lessons of racism’s ugly history. Newsday, A38 (223 words), June 15, 2005.

Revolt against chivalry : Jessie Daniel Ames and the women’s campaign against lynching / Jacquelyn Dowd Hall. New York : Columbia University Press, 1979. HV6457.H34

Rope and faggot / Walter Francis White. New York : Arno Press, 1969. HV6457.W45 1969

Rough justice : lynching and American society, 1874-1947 / Michael J. Pfeifer. Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 2004. HV6457.P44 2004

Selected works of Ida B. Wells-Barnett / Ida B.Wells-Barnett ; Trudier Harris, editor. New York : Oxford University Press, 1991. E185.97.W55A2 1991

Includes: “Southern horrors : lynch law in all its phases” ; “A red record : tabulated statistics and alleged causes of lynching in the United States, 1892-1893-1894″ ; “Mob rule in New Orleans : Robert Charles and his fight to the death”

Senate issues apology over failure on antilynching law / Sheryl Gay Stolberg. New York Times, A15 (739 words), June 14, 2005.

Senate remorse over lynchings / India Autry. Newsday, A27 (232 words), June 14, 2005.

Senators introduce lynching apology. New York Times, A13 (176 words), February 2, 2005.

The shadow of hate a film / Charles Guggenheim and Julian Bond. Washington, D.C. : Guggenheim Productions, Inc., 1995. IMC Video E184.A1S564 1995bx

Includes the Leo Frank lynching in Georgia in 1913

Strange fruit : plays on lynching by American women / Kathy A. Perkins and Judith L. Stephens. Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1998. PS627.L95S73 1998

Their majesties, the mob / John Walton Caughey. Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1960. HV6791.C38

Over 50 documents republished from various sources

Thirty years of lynching in the United States, 1889-1918 / National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. New York : Negro Universities Press, 1969. HV6457.N3 1969

The tragedy of lynching / Arthur Franklin Raper and the Southern Commission on the Study of Lynching New York : Negro Universities Press, 1969. HV6464.R3 1969b

An ugly legacy lives on, its glare unsoftened by age : critic’s notebook / Roberta Smith. New York Times, E1 (1445 words), January 13, 2000.

Discusses an exhibit of lynching photographs at the Roth Horowitz Gallery.

Under sentence of death : lynching in the South / W. Fitzhugh Brundage. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press, 1997. HV6464.U49 1997

Unnatural selections : eugenics in American modernism and the Harlem Renaissance / Daylanne K. English. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press, 2004. PS228.E84E54 2004

Includes “Blessed are the barren : lynching, reproduction, and the drama of new Negro womanhood, 1916-1930″

War of words: the controversy over the definition of lynching, 1899-1940 / Christopher Waldrep. Journal of Southern History, 66(1):75 (2 pages), February 2000.

We are coming : the persuasive discourse of nineteenth-century Black women / Shirley W. Logan. Carbondale, IL : Southern Illinois University Press, 1999. E185.86.L57 1999

“‘Out of their own mouths’ : Ida Wells and the presence of lynching”

We charge genocide : the historic petition to the United Nations for relief from a crime of the United States Government against the Negro people / Civil Rights Congress (U.S.). New York : Civil Rights Congress, 1952. E185.61.C592 1952x

Whispered consolations : law and narrative in African American life / Jon Christian Suggs. Ann Arbor : University of Michigan Press, 2000. KF4757.S84 2000

Includes “Lynchings and passing”

“With the past let these be buried”: the 1873 mob massacre of the Hill family in Springtown, Texas / Helen McLure. Southwestern Historical Quarterly, 105(2):293 (29 pages), October 2001.

Without sanctuary : lynching photography in America / James Allen. Santa Fe, NM : Twin Palms, 2000. HV6459.W57 2000

Official website: http://withoutsanctuary.org/

Without sanctuary: lynching photography in America / Grace Elizabeth Hale. Journal of American History, 89(3):989-994, December 2002.

Witnessing lynching : American writers respond / Anne P. Rice. New Brunswick, NJ : Rutgers University Press, 2003. PS509.L94W58 2003

Wounds not scars: lynching, the national conscience and the American historian / Joel Williamson. Journal of American History, 83(4):1221 (33 pages), March 1997.

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NIGERIA! – GOD HAS GIVEN NIGERIA A GREAT LEADER- AARE GOODLUCK EBELE JONATHAN-FROM CANOE-CARVER’S SON TO COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF” BY TOLU OGUNLESI IN NEXT NEWSPAPER,NIGERIA

April 22, 2011

OMO OLUWA- GOODLUCK AND OBAMA!

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(ON)GOING CONCERNS: From canoe-carver’s son to commander-in-chief

By Tolu Ogunlesi

April 19, 2011 11:00PM
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Come with me to 1998. Let’s meet Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, assistant director, Environmental Protection and Pollution Control at the Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission in Port Harcourt, “earning small, small kobo that kept him going” (as his father once told the Guardian in an interview). Seven years later, the civil servant is governor of oil-rich Bayelsa. Five years after that, he is the president of Nigeria. All this happens without him contesting any election on his own.

Now, on May 29, 2011, Mr Jonathan will be sworn in as the fourth democratically elected executive president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. He will go into the beckoning epoch clutching a string of firsts: At 53, the youngest civilian president of Nigeria at first swearing-in (Shagari was 54). The first Nigerian vice president to go on to be president. The first Nigerian to rise from deputy governor to governor to vice president to president. (What are the chances of that happening in the wildly unpredictable political system we run in this country?) Nigeria’s first PhD-holding president. Nigeria’s first “Facebook president”. The second most popular head of state alive, on Facebook. The first Nigerian president to grant a campaign interview to a hiphop star. The first Nigerian politician to debate himself in a nationally televised political debate. The first civilian president of Nigeria to come from a minority ethnic group.

Let’s think for a moment about the hurdles the man has had to cross on his way from civil servant to president. First, he survived the deputy governorship. The key word there is ‘survived’. Blessed is the man who had the good sense to call a spade a spade: deputy governors are “spare tyres” in Nigeria. If you doubt that Mr Jonathan ‘survived’ six years of deputy governorship, ask Orji Uzor Kalu’s deputies. Ask Kofo Bucknor Akerele and Femi Pedro. Ask Garba Gadi in Bauchi State. Ask Peremobowei Ebebi, the man who succeeded Jonathan as deputy governor in Bayelsa.

In many cases, the deputy governorship is a terminal illness for a politician’s career. But as fate, or luck, would have it, in Jonathan’s case, the spare tyre bucked the trend and ended up, not as a tool for lynch mobs, but as the steering wheel.

And then he survived a colourless vice presidency. When the Americans, obsessed as they are with list-making, compiled a confidential list of Nigeria’s most influential persons in 2008, a year into his vice presidency, Jonathan’s name was absent. This was barely three years ago.

You only need to see how many ‘godfathers’ have fallen by the wayside (especially on Jonathan’s ‘second missionary journey’ to Aso Rock) to realise that ‘goodluck’ is more than just a name. James Ibori, said to be one of the biggest financial contributors to the Yar’Adua campaign, is today preparing for a long jail term abroad. Ibrahim Babangida, a million times more powerful than Jonathan until a year ago, last week announced his retirement from politics.

Adamu Ciroma is a tired ethnic chauvinist; the final nail in his coffin was the collapse of his consensus candidacy project. Bode George is an ex-convict. PDP chieftain, Tony Anenih’s state is in the hands of the ACN. Olusegun Obasanjo’s state will soon be. Abubakar Atiku couldn’t even deliver his own state during the PDP primaries. Lamidi Adedibu is three years dead.

I think we may safely conclude that Mr Jonathan could, if he so chooses, easily become ‘Godfatherless Jonathan’. I am indeed very optimistic about the future of Nigeria under a Jonathan presidency. Last August, I said Mr Jonathan was “a breath of fresh air”. I was referring to his social networking strategy. (I’d like to believe that was what inspired the “breath of fresh air” campaign slogan of the president)

Today, I will stretch my claim further, and declare that Mr Jonathan is potentially a breath of fresh air to the way presidential leadership is conducted in Africa. I think we are looking at the man destined to, not only tackle long-standing problems like power supply and poverty, but also bring far-reaching reform to Africa’s largest and most messed-up political party, the PDP.

He is not a perfect man. Certainly not. He hasn’t got Bill Clinton’s charm or Barack Obama’s speaking skills or Mr Obasanjo’s sense of humour. But he offers something else: an endearing calmness, a modesty that is rare with Nigeria’s ‘Big Men’, and a seemingly sincere desire to engage with the people he’s ruling.

The task ahead is daunting. I do not envy the son of a canoe-carver who’s now sitting in a ‘canoe’ atop one of the most tumultuous waters in the world — the presidency of that bundle of contradictions called Nigeria. I, however, wholeheartedly wish him Godspeed. I will repeat the words with which I ended my column, “Goodluck, Goodwill and Goodsense”, published almost exactly a year ago (April 19, 2010):

“Yesterday you were Goodluck Jonathan. Today you are Goodwill Jonathan. Now you must strive to be Goodsense Jonathan, in whose hands the destiny of a nation lies.”

So help him God. Amen.
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Reader Comments (32)

Posted by daniel on Apr 20 2011

dont be afraid add this;first elected southerner.first elected minority nigerian tribe outside of the former “big” three(if such a thing still exists after this elections!).a man of many firsts.let us hope that in performance he bests obasanjo and yardua…..which wont be that hard as all he has to do is stay alive and not cavort with daughter in laws.

Posted by King on Apr 20 2011

Very well written. I love journalism of this nature – you took the time to research the FACTS before writing this. Awesome. Yes, Jonathan has done well. I am confident too that he will continue to do well. He’s indeed a “breath of fresh air”, as you have rightly said. Like you, I wish him Goodspeed or like my wife would always wish me – GodLuck!

Posted by Anjibobo on Apr 20 2011

I am cautiously optimistic myself and I am glad our brothers in the Niger Delta will now “cool body” since one of their own is now the President. The peace and stability this will bring is my greatest joy since this will foster the enabling environment for us to keep making progress. I didn’t vote for him, but I am happy with the result. I wish him and Nigeria continued Good Luck!

Posted by ego on Apr 20 2011

@Daniel, first southerner to be elected? you make me laugh. I guess Obasanjo is from the North then @Tolu, great that you are so hopeful. But you forgot to add that he is the first president to waste the nations resources by spending billions of naira in a desperate attempt to remain president, you forget also that he is the first president where bomb blasts and terrorism became synonymous to Nigeria and he duly ignored the problem. No one has been paraded or convicted as yet. The truth is that he has no clue and stumbled unprepared into the presidency. Now he has the peoples mandate, i hope he gets some goodsense. I am not that hopeful, but i pray i am proved wrong.

Posted by Ebi Bozimo on Apr 20 2011

Tolu, your writing continues to evolve in elegance and excellence. This is a PHENOMENAL take on President elect Goodluck Jonathan in the context of Nigeria at this turbulent time.

Posted by paquito bites on Apr 20 2011

@ego.i did not vote for anyone ,i could’nt and if i could i would have chosen our man from the north but i do rejoice with the nation in juno’s victory.i may be as cynical as you but i’m afraid we can do with a huge dose of optimism to move forward.i am not interested in the firsts but glad in the knowledge that he has the mandate of the people and not the godfathers.pres juno can literally clear his cabinent jettison his vultures all in the need of change and still withstand the tremors.he ought to do that to send the right message to the people of nigeria.his task is formidable as we witness the geopolitical tsunamis around the world.we need a competent leader to face up to the resource challenges of the west and china for that is the issues of the day.we the developing nations are pawns in the chess game but with strong leadership we may get to bishop status.may the lord give him the wisdom to get us to BRINCS,that will be the ultimate accolade and the real first that will make sense to all nigerians.good morning.

Posted by kola on Apr 20 2011

Well written. Jonathan was not my choice at the presidential elections, but he seems to be Nigeria’s choice. I have never seen Jonathan in this light, perhaps because there was so much darkness around him. His calmness and modesty are necessary, but not sufficient conditions for Nigeria’s take off to ‘self sustained growth’. However, I wish him all the best. It is now time to settle down to the task of nation building. God bless Nigeria

Posted by Usman Ahmed on Apr 20 2011

@ego, what ever it is we must be positive since the man is now the president and our collective destinies are in his hands. With respect to the bomb blast, I thought Orkah is on trial in SA (his case was heard yesterday and more charges have been drawn up against him) for it while his broda and others are on trial in Nigeria

Posted by Augustine Togonu-Bickersteth on Apr 20 2011

Good write up. Something to be optimistic about. Yes Jonathan sits ina Canoe and you do not have to teach an Ijaw boat man the physics of a capsizing Canoe. I hope as his paddles the canoe would move forward. Some paddle here , Paddla there but the Canoe stays still.

Posted by Donlaz on Apr 20 2011

Good piece Tolu, keep doing great job man!

Posted by Ayat-owo on Apr 20 2011

Perfect piece. I wish him well. Destiny is God’s Pathway for us and I think Godluck sees his clearly well. May he not disappoint us for all the support

Posted by Dele. on Apr 20 2011

I hope the president realises he is a NATIONAL consensus -president….

Posted by Olatoye Joy on Apr 20 2011

I wish him goodsense too, and may his ending better than his beginning in Jesus name. amen

Posted by seun on Apr 20 2011

@ego,i feel ur cynicism and somehow am not happy about the way money was spent campaigning for the election.i do however feel that to a large extent,Jega did a good job,i also believe soon enough, we wouldnt have to be an ‘otokoto’ or ‘imcumbent whatever’ to run for a political post in Nigeria.am also optimistic that we shall have the best republic ever,chiefly because its not an all PDP parliament.lets truly hope that the presence of many parties will add spice to national debates.Godspeed Nigeria!

Posted by Kingsley on Apr 20 2011

Isn’t it rather early to be bootlicking Tolu? Let us have light first before the apotheosis begins eh.

Posted by Nene on Apr 20 2011

Yes Tolu, I think it’s too early to be boot-licking and I am disappointed in this piece. You, of all people should not come on here and be praising Jonathan, he’s such a dumb-wit and a numb-skull, he has no idea what presidency is about.

Posted by MC on Apr 20 2011

@ego, spot on!

Posted by Ade on Apr 20 2011

My Dear Tolu. I have sent you an email already to express my sadness at your email. Jonathan was imposed on us by the powers that be? Obasanjo groomed him from the very beginning. He has mismanaged our funds in the last 1 year. He has absolutely no clue about how to fix Nigeria – economy, power, terrorism, etc. Nothing will change – it is going to business as usual. Our legislators and ministers will remain the highest paid in the world, looting will continue, power, unemployment and economy will remain ‘story lands’. I pray these wont happen but I have lost my usual optimism about this country.

Posted by Chinna on Apr 20 2011

Why all the adulation? We could congratulate a man for winning, but our writer should not start singing praises until we see performance on the job. What’s the hurry to ingratiate one’s self with GEJ?

Posted by akin Jenkins on Apr 20 2011

awesome piece mate, was trying to explain all u just wrote to a couple of my Dutch colleagues, thanks for saving me the trouble. Nice piece

Posted by Toni Kay on Apr 20 2011

My Dear Tolu, I really appreciate the good work u did with this article. It was thoroughly researched and to the point. Goodluck era is a new era for us Nigerians and we shall be proud now to say we are Nigerians amongst the Committees of nations. As for all those that do not believe in this slogan then they should bang their heads on the wall. Nigerians voted Goodluck and not PDP so that that luck will follow them. Adieus Ciroma, Buhari, Anenih, Maduekes, Nnamani. This is our time o.

Posted by paquito bites on Apr 20 2011

much as i do not hold brief for juno,i can tell all of those that have jumped down tolu’s throat that the change is already upon us.we have experienced a more savvy electorate.this has reflected the results of the polls.in addition to that we have changes occuring across the african continent and nigeria will not be an exception to this change of peoples power.see recent events in kenya and uganda and closer to home burkina faso.pres jonathan has a huge task and will not be in a position to shy away from his duties not with a weaker position in the house.we must thank god for incremental battles and will have to call on his wife’s name to win the war.

Posted by RICHARD on Apr 20 2011

Tolu Ogunlesi you goofed.Obasanjo actually delivered the Goodluck Jonathan everybody is talking about today to Nigeria.Obasanjo is President emeritus.A president that makes other president.He has single handedly decided who becomes Nigeria Democratic President post First Republic till date He has Just delivered Jonathan again.He his obviously Nigeria Political leader and political colossus. Therefore any discourse on Nigeria Political evolution without the legendary role of OBJ is definitely rubbish.OBASANJO is not just ‘ebora Owu’,he is ‘ebora Nigeria’

Posted by readerX on Apr 20 2011

i’m crossing my fingers as well… It is well with Nigeria

Posted by True Nigerian on Apr 20 2011

Am sorry for those praising Jonathan. Why did he spend so much money in campainging if not desperation. Nigerians should stop decieving themselves. We are not ready for change because voting a PDP government back to power after twelve years of PDP failure in NO CHANGE to me. I hope Nigerians saw the people with GEJ in Aso rock when JEGA announced him as the winner? the likes of Femi Otedola (who has sabotaged all efforts to give Nigerians constant electricity), Tony Annenih, Aliko Dangote, Ikedi Ohakim and oda persons who have run Nigeria aground. Clearly Nigeria is going no where. And talking about the so called elections I will say it was peaceful but far from being fair. The bottom line is Nigerians are not ready for change and I blame PDP for the Crisis in the North for not staying with the zoning arrangement. In 1999 when obasanjo was elected Pres. there was no violence in the North likewise in 1993 with Abiola. People should be objective. Lets wait for Lamido Sanusi and Fashola 2015. then we can think of moving forward.

Posted by Chuks Oluigbo on Apr 20 2011

Well articulated. In short, Tolu-like. Well done.

Posted by ALFRED AYODEJI on Apr 21 2011

Am not pro-Goodluck Jonathan and I wont say he is impeccable but then we’ve got to positive about him. At least he appears to have a good will for Nigeria and until it he proves otherwise let’s breath in the air of positivity like TOLU…

Posted by Kentops on Apr 21 2011

@true Nigerian Sanusi/Fashola ticket in 2015? That won’t be a bad idea. Nice thought!

Posted by Me on Apr 21 2011

@ Tolu this is a brilliant piece. For all those who are grieved at d turn out of d elections, why the “much ado about nothing”? No man knows it all, so why don’t we give GEJ a chance to perform. He is the people’s choice period.

Posted by D optimist on Apr 21 2011

Great piece Tolu. I believe dat dis is not boot-licking or praise singing but simply a statement of facts. i wish Nigerians could be as objective and optimistic as you are. God bless you, God bless Goodluck Jonathan, God bless Nigeria!

OBAMA!- NEW BOOK ON OBAMA-”THE FIRST:PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA’S ROAD TO THE WHITE HOUSE” BY BLACK JOURNALIST ROLAND S. MARTIN

February 17, 2011

FROM YEYEolade.blogspot.com

Thursday, February 17, 2011
OBAMA! -NEW BOOK ON OBAMA -”THE FIRST:PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA’S ROAD TO THE WHITE HOUSE” BY BLACK JOURNALIST ROLAND S. MARTIN!
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the firstThe First: President Barack Obama’s Road to the White House as Originally Reported by Roland S. Martin
Click to order via Amazon
by Roland S. Martin
Includes a DVD of the author’s interviews with the Obamas
Paperback: 372 pages
Publisher: Third World Press; 1 edition (January 31, 2010)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 0883783169
ISBN-13: 978-0883783160
Product Dimensions: 8.9 x 6.1 x 1.1 inches
Book Review by Kam Williams
“On February 10, 2007, Barack Hussein Obama stood before thousands waiting in the cold in front of the Old State Capitol in Springfield, Illinois and made his intentions known: he was running for president. This book traces tracks this journey through my eyes as I covered the improbable road to the presidency of Obama…
My aim in publishing this book is to offer an historical account of covering this stunning and exciting race, but to also offer in real-time the ups and downs of the campaign, and even take a look back at various moments from my perspective , as well as those of some of the entertainers and others I crossed paths with along the way.”
-Excerpted from the Introduction (pgs. xxii-xxiii)
If you’re interested in revisiting the 2008 Presidential campaign from the perspective of an African-American journalist afforded access to candidate Barack Obama, then this coffee table keepsake was undoubtedly designed with you in mind. For, between December of 2006 and Election Day a couple years later, Roland Martin filed hundreds of reports, in his capacity as a political correspondent for the CNN and TV-One Networks, as a radio talk show host, and as a nationally-syndicated columnist.

The First: President Barack Obama’s Road to the White House is essentially a chronological rehash of Martin’s interviews, articles and news stories which collectively paint a complete picture of the evolution of Obama from long shot to contender to favorite to the first black President of the United States.
What is likely to make this opus fairly absorbing for the average history buff is the fact that these real-time entries accurately reflect the pulse of the country at each moment of the campaign, as the political sands shifted back and forth beneath the feet of the pivotal players.
It’s all recounted here, mostly in the author’s own words, from the Iowa caucuses (“All of a sudden, there is a sense that Obama actually could win this thing.”) to the Michelle Obama patriotism question (“Was it a big deal. Nope?”) to the Reverend Wright controversy (“I fundamentally believe that whites and blacks reacted differently [to] the snippets of Wright’s preaching.”). Overall, the astute observations of a partisan who never hid his allegiances yet still proved pretty prescient in terms of forecasting the outcome of the landmark presidential election.

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Read an Interview with the author about this book

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All of Roland Martin’s Book and another Interview

http://aalbc.com/authors/roland_s_martin.htm

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Thursday, February 17th

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Get your copy of Roland S. Martin’s new book today!
Washington, D.C. – January 12, 2010 – Award-winning journalist Roland S. Martin, who captured the first interview with President Barack Obama regarding the racial controversy surrounding Senator Harry Reid (D-NV), releases his third book, The First: President Barack Obama’s Road to the White House on January 20, 2010. The book marks the first year anniversary of Barack Obama’s presidency.
The First takes readers behind-the-scenes for a closer look at his interviews with both Barack and Michelle Obama for CNN, TV ONE, Essence.com, WVON-AM in Chicago and the Tom Joyner Morning Show over the last two years. The book includes insider details that go beyond the regular reports, like original coverage of celebrities who were heavily invested in the election, sixteen pages of color photos, and a DVD featuring two interviews with Martin and President Obama on TV ONE that won back-to-back NAACP Awards.
As a member of CNN’s “Best Political Team on Television” and political editor for the TV ONE Cable Network during the election
Click book to buy your copy today!
campaigns, Martin found himself in the catbird seat while one of the most momentous events in black history was on a collision course with destiny. Now, his new book, which is being co-published by Martin and Third World Press, takes readers back down President Barack Obama’s campaign trail in a chronological journal of events that dates back to when then Senator Obama had yet to announce his candidacy and follows him on his journey to the presidency.
“It was always amazing to listen to journalism icons like Vernon Jarrett, Lerone Bennett and Sam Lacy talk about covering some of the major stories of the 20th century, such as Jackie Robinson breaking the baseball color barrier, Muhammad Ali’s rise to become heavyweight champion, and the Civil Rights Movement. Covering the eventual election of President Barack Obama was on par with those historic achievements. To have a front row seat at history was amazing, and I wanted to serve as sort of my recollection of the campaign as it was unfolding. It was also amazing to go back and talk to individuals who hit the campaign for then-Sen. Obama, and get an understanding of their motivations, and the raw emotions they felt as the race went down to the wire and history was made. “This campaign dominated my life for two years and it was worth every moment.”
Through his charismatic writing style, Martin presents an in-depth analysis of the presidential campaign and Obama’s struggles and successes. He gives readers insight on how each important event played out in front of the nation and also shares interviews from his broadcasts, including a one-on-one conversation with President Obama after his win in Iowa in January 2008. Other notable interviews include Dr. Cornel West, Rep John Lewis, Spike Lee, Maxine Waters and Michael Eric Dyson.
Roland Martin is a multi-faceted journalist, reporting on many different platforms including, television, radio, newspapers and online. He is the host and Managing Editor for TV One’s “Washington Watch with Roland Martin,” and a CNN contributor, appearing on a variety of the network’s shows. In addition, he is a senior analyst for the Tom Joyner Morning Show providing daily reports for the program. And is a syndicated columnist for Creators Syndicate.
In addition to his interviews with President Obama, and First Lady Michelle Obama, Martin has recently made waves in the media with high profile interviews including Vice President Joe Biden and Republican Party Chairman Michael Steele on TV ONE and General Colin Powell on the Tom Joyner Morning Show. Earlier this year, he was presented the “Broadcaster of the Year” Award by the Rainbow PUSH Coalition and was named one of EBONY magazine’s “Power 150″ for the third year in a row.
Roland S. Martin is also the author of Listening to the Spirit Within: 50 Perspectives on Faith, and Speak Brother: A Black Man’s View of America.

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(THE FIRST) President Barack Obama’s Road to the White House as Originally Reported by Roland S. Martin [With DVD] by Martin, Roland S.(Author)Paperback{The First: President Barack Obama’s Road to the White House as Originally Reported by Roland S. Martin [With DVD]} on01-Jan-2010

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