Archive for August 22nd, 2009

MARIE CLAUDINETTE JEAN IS A BLACK SKINNED BEAUTY-A FASHION DESIGNER, MODEL AND WIFE TO BEAUTIFUL BLACK SKINNED WYCLEF JEAN-SHE GOT HER BLACK MAN AND YOU CAN TOO!

August 22, 2009

MARIE CLAUDINETTE JEAN IS A BLACK SKINNED BEAUTY FROM HAITI. MARIE IS A POPULAR FASHION DESIGNER,MODEL AND WIFE TO BEAUTIFUL BLACK SKINNED WYCLEF JEAN!

MARIE CLAUDINETTE JEAN IS A BLACK SKINNED BEAUTY FROM HAITI. MARIE IS A POPULAR FASHION DESIGNER,MODEL AND WIFE TO BEAUTIFUL BLACK SKINNED WYCLEF JEAN!

MARIE CLAUDINETTE,A BLACK SKINNED BEAUTY GETS HER MAN A BLACK BEAUTY HIMSELF WYCLEF JEAN ! YOU TOO WILL GET A WONDERFUL BLACK MAN TO MARRIED WHO WILL LOVE YOUR BEAUTIFUL BLACK SKIN!

MARIE CLAUDINETTE,A BLACK SKINNED BEAUTY GETS HER MAN A BLACK BEAUTY HIMSELF WYCLEF JEAN ! YOU TOO WILL GET A WONDERFUL BLACK MAN TO MARRIED WHO WILL LOVE YOUR BEAUTIFUL BLACK SKIN!

AT BET AWARDS

AT BET AWARDS

MARIE CALUDINETTE AND WYCLEF JEAN GET MARRIED!

MARIE CALUDINETTE AND WYCLEF JEAN GET MARRIED!

wyclef_claudinette_largerfusha83fusha1
BLACK BEAUTY MEETS BLACK BEAUTY!

BLACK BEAUTY MEETS BLACK BEAUTY!

OBAMA-A BLACK PRESIDENT BREAKS DOWN ANTI-BLACK PREJUDICE FROM ALL OTHER RACES!-FROM ASIAINVIEW.WORDPRESS.COM

August 22, 2009
THIS IS THE BEGINNING OF THE BREAKDOWN OF THE YELLOW RACE'S IDEA OF BLACK INFERIORITY! OBAMA OUR BLACK PRESIDENT WILL INCREASE RESPECT FOR THE BLACK RACE EVERYWHERE!

THIS IS THE BEGINNING OF THE BREAKDOWN OF THE YELLOW RACE'S IDEA OF BLACK INFERIORITY! OBAMA OUR BLACK PRESIDENT WILL INCREASE RESPECT FOR THE BLACK RACE EVERYWHERE!

from asiainview.wordpress.com

Chinese Sentiment Towards Black Americans: The Obama Phenomenon in China

The election of Barack Obama in the 2008 presidential election was a watershed in race relations in America. For many of us, it displayed that race issues, although still in existence, are not as rampant in the United States now as they were in the past. However, I believe that this election revealed something more than the state of race relations in America. In China, it served as a proverbial litmus test of Chinese perceptions of Black Americans. Barack Obama’s political campaign reinforced images of Black Americans as powerful political figures. Moreover, the Chinese positive reception to these images is a new phenomenon that is important to understanding contemporary Chinese sentiment towards Blacks.

During the presidential election, Chinese overwhelmingly supported Barack Obama. An online poll conducted by the US embassy on the China Daily’s website revealed that 75 percent of the Chinese supported Obama as a candidate for president. In a survey by the Horizon research group, of 2,791 Chinese between the ages of 18 and 60, Obama received 17.8 percent more votes than McCain. But, how could this be? Why would Chinese choose Obama over John McCain? If we look at the situation from a foreign policy perspective, McCain’s position on trade was more favorable towards China than Obama’s position. According to the China Daily, “McCain supports increasing global integration”. He also urges Americans to reject the “siren song of protectionism’ and embrace a future of free trade”. In contrast, the article pointed out that Obama “adopted an increasingly critical tone on global trade and support legislation that would allow US companies to seek anti-dumping duties on Chinese imports, based on the received undervaluation of the Chinese currency” and that “he would amend the North American Free Trade Agreement. In addition to having an unfavorable position on trade, Obama’s opponent was white. Under the assumption by scholars who argue that Chinese are generally racist towards Blacks and more accepting of Whites, it is reasonable to assume that McCain should have won the polls.

However, this was not the case. To many Chinese, Obama has become a symbol of hope and achievement. Some Chinese analysts believe that Obama being Black, rather than being a disadvantage, actually added to his popularity in China. Song Zhiyuan, an analyst of the surveys, opined: “Perhaps his age, energy, and even complexion, which signify the US dream, are more appealing to the Chinese”. To many Chinese, Obama’s victory would be a symbol of America’s break from a culture of white superiority. “I want to see if a Black American could become the president…by electing Obama the Americans could prove the US is not only a white people’s country” stated a Chinese real estate agent interviewed by Xie. This type of statement was echoed by Zhang Meng, a Chinese student who stated, “it was good a Black man could be elected president for the first time in a predominantly white country”. Even in a survey I conducted on Chinese opinions of Obama and the 2008 Presidential election respondents shared similar opinions, “In the US presidential election, his breaking the barriers of race, and shows his ability to the whole world, and tries to transfer a different value”, and “he is one of the great Black people. His success represents the fact that everyone could realize his dream whatever the color he is”.

THE DEATH OF BLACK COLLEGES?-SAVE THEM FOR WE NEED ALL THE BLACK INSTITUTIONS WE CAN GET!-FROM ALUMNIROUNDUP.COM

August 22, 2009

from alumniroundup.com

D.o.B.C. Death of Black Colleges?
Posted on 19 August 2009 by aka Tito

Once a beacon of hope for thousands of Black students denied access to higher education by predominantly White institutions, historically Black colleges and universities have educated generations of Black scientists, doctors, lawyers, educators and social activists. But today, these institutions face serious challenges. Questions of relevance have reached a fever pitch as today’s Black colleges work to address declining enrollment, low graduation rates and financial instability. Despite the challenges, however, HBCUs for many Black students – and others – remain the last best hope of succeeding in the higher education arena. As the age-old debate for and against Black colleges rages on, Diverse has identified five threats facing HBCUs and five opportunities that could define their futures.

Threats
Prolonged Recession, Funding and Development Issues: When traditionally White institutions catch a cold, HBCUs catch pneumonia. Such is the case with the contagious economic virus that all of higher education is exposed to. HBCUs, like many others in the higher education sector, rely on student tuition dollars, government programs, corporate donations and foundation giving to sustain their institutions. All of these are unreliable revenue sources that point to the need for a stable income source typically found in a sustainable endowment.

The peril of weak endowments and low alumni giving is consequential in the economic environment. HBCU endowment information is hard to come by. Just five schools responded to the National Association of College and University Business Officers Endowment Survey. For those that responded, the average endowment market value was $244.7 million, compared with an average of $521.9 million for all non-Black institutions. The proposed sale of portions of Fisk University’s prized art collection donated by Georgia O’Keefe to raise much-needed cash and the proposal by the Georgia state Legislature to merge financially troubled Savannah State and Armstrong Atlantic State Universities to cut costs illustrate the financial volatility impacting many Black colleges.

Getting Them and Keeping Them: HBCUs provide a supportive environment where Black students thrive, but a 2006 Ed Sector report showed that just 37.9 percent of Black students attending HBCUs earn an undergraduate degree within six years, 4 percentage points lower than the national college graduation rate for Black students and 7 points lower than the overall graduation rates of predominantely White institutions. The graduation disparity could be a lot worse given the economic and educational disadvantages that often accompany these students, the vast majority of whom qualify for federal Pell Grants. But in a society that is becoming less tolerant of excuses, HBCUs will have to undertake some creative means of addressing the retention problem.

New Competition: For-profit institutions have become destination institutions for many Black and Hispanic students. A disproportionate percentage of degrees from proprietary colleges go to Black and Hispanic graduates. In this year’s Diverse Top 100, the University of Phoenix “online campus” overtook Florida A&M and Howard universities as the No. 1 producer of bachelor’s degrees awarded to African-Americans. While Black students earned 8.9 percent of bachelor’s degrees in the United States in 2005, they accounted for 15 percent of the degrees conferred by proprietary institutions, according to data in the National Center for Education Statistics report, “Postsecondary Institutions in the United States.”

Conservative Ethos/Constricting Campus Culture: Many news accounts have portrayed HBCUs as conservative, traditional institutions that are led by well-intentioned disciplinarians. While the accuracy of such accounts may be dubious, they raise warning points. The value of thoughtful reviews of HBCU campus climates and environments for faculty and students cannot be underestimated. Wholesome and welcoming environments at HBCUs were the stock of legends and huge selling points in attracting students and faculty. Today, many Black institutions continue to impose conservative policies that have long since lost their appeal, such as setting curfews, meddling in student media and limiting support for faculty research and expression.

Fear of Impending Doom: Black institutions on the brink of closure, such as Morris Brown, and those facing accreditation woes, such as Paul Quinn, continue to make headlines. As one account after another emerges, the fear of self-fulfilling prophecies usurps reality. But only a relatively small number of these schools have suffered irreparable damage. While some have had negative encounters with accreditation agencies, the vast majority have survived and often thrived. Unfortunately, these incidents can serve to erode enrollment and morale while also giving opponents ammunition to question HBCUs relevance in this so-called ‘post-racial’ era.

Opportunities

Safe Place: At the 20th-anniversary luncheon of this publication in 2004, Dr. Johnnetta B. Cole challenged a large gathering of Black educators to seriously consider how difficult it would be today to build a network of over 100 colleges dedicated to primarily educating African-American students. Everyone conceded that it would be nearly impossible. HBCUs provide refuge for Black students to define their place and identity in American society. Instead of being vehicles for diversity as “underrepresented minorities” at majority schools, Black students are simply students at HBCUs. These schools serve as sources of pride and affirmation for thousands of alumni, friends and supporters from around the world. At a time when the threat of marginalization looms large in the psyche of many African-Americans, these schools are strategically positioned to become the focal point of the African-American community in many new and important ways.

Decoders of Disparities: HBCUs have the propensity to lead higher education in disparity research. Research that documents racial and ethnic health disparities can play a key role in understanding and eliminating such disparities. The major funding organizations, including the National Institutes of Health and the National Science Foundation, have struggled for decades in trying to get at the root causes of racial disparities. A key player could and should be HBCUs. Take the qualified teacher disparity that is closely tied to the achievement gap: Even a cursory review of the statistics indicates that HBCUs are the nation’s premier institutions for graduating Black teachers. Yet these programs continue to be underfunded at the state and federal level.

Specialty Programs: HBCUs can be the pipeline for science, technology, engineering, mathematics and teacher education, considering they already do the bulk of the work. While composing about 3 percent of the nation’s 3,688 institutions of higher learning, the 103 HBCUs annually produce 23 percent of African-American bachelor’s degree and 13 percent of all master’s degree recipients, according to recent statistics. Spelman and Bennett colleges produce over half of the nation’s Black women who go on to earn doctorates in all science fields; Xavier University ranks No. 1 nationally in sending African-Americans to medical school. HBCUs that develop specialty programs can cement their place in the higher education arena by becoming the go-to institutions for in-demand talent.

Access: HBCUs can expand educational access and opportunity to underserved populations, particularly Hispanics. Additionally, HBCUs should tap into the market of students who start out at community colleges. HBCUs, which disproportionately serve students from low-income communities of color, can provide greater access to other underserved students in the Hispanic community. St. Philip’s College in San Antonio, founded in 1898 by the Episcopal Church as a sewing school for Black girls, has evolved into a comprehensive public community college with a for-credit enrollment exceeding 10,000. Hispanics make up the largest ethnic group on campus, and St. Philip’s, part of the Alamo Community Colleges District, is now the only college to be federally designated as both a historically Black college and a Hispanic-serving institution. The missions of Black colleges must evolve to serve a larger population of students.

Global Influence: HBCU students and faculty continue to carry the torch of academic excellence to other countries, building linkages throughout the African Diaspora and expanding the global impact of Black institutions. Florida A&M University President James Ammons signed an agreement with a Canadian organization that will allow FAMU students to intern in Cairo, Egypt. Howard University’s chapter of Engineers Without Borders served communities in Kenya and Brazil this year. Spelman students helped to build a library for the 10,000 Girls program in Senegal.

Courtesy of DiverseEducation.com
By MICHELLE J. NEALY

BLACK COLLEGES ARE THE PLACE WHERE BLACK YOUTH CAN GET THEIR BLACK SELF-ESTEEM AND BLACK DIGNITY BACK-SAVE THEM-WE NEED THESE BLACK INSTITUTIONS,AND ALL THE BLACK INSTITUTIONS WE CAN GET IN amerikkka!

BLACK COLLEGES ARE THE PLACE WHERE BLACK YOUTH CAN GET THEIR BLACK SELF-ESTEEM AND BLACK DIGNITY BACK-SAVE THEM-WE NEED THESE BLACK INSTITUTIONS,AND ALL THE BLACK INSTITUTIONS WE CAN GET IN amerikkka!

OBAMA AND HEALTHCARE!-OUR BLACK PRESIDENT HAS HIS BLACK GAME PLAN AS ALWAYS SO WE JUST MUST CONTINUE OUR PRAYERS-THIS TOO WILL PASS!-FROM THE NEW REPUBLIC MAGAZINE,AUG.20,2009

August 22, 2009

OUR BLACK PRESIDENT OBAMA HAS A BLACK GAME PLAN LIKE ALWAYS SO JUST CONTINUE YOUR PRAYERS-THIS TOO WILL PASS!

OUR BLACK PRESIDENT OBAMA HAS A BLACK GAME PLAN LIKE ALWAYS SO JUST CONTINUE YOUR PRAYERS-THIS TOO WILL PASS!

FROM tnr.com

The New Republic

Don’t Sweat It
by Ed Kilgore
Obama sure looks to be in trouble, but we’ve seen this summertime hysteria before.
Post Date Thursday, August 20, 2009

As the Dog Days of August descended upon us, there developed across the progressive chattering classes a deep sense of malaise bordering on depression, if not panic–much of it driven by fears about the leadership skills of Barack Obama. The polling numbers seemed to weaken every day, and Democratic unease was matched by growing glee on the airwaves of Fox and in Republican circles everywhere.

View Larger Image
Courtesy of the AP

Within ten weeks, however, Obama was elected president and joy returned to the land.

Yes, dear reader, I am suggesting that this August’s sense of progressive despair feels remarkably similar to last August’s. This week last year, the Gallup Tracking Poll had McCain and Obama in a statistical tie. The candidates were fresh from a joint appearance at Rick Warren’s Saddleback Church, which was widely viewed by progressives as a strategic error by Obama. More generally, Democratic confidence, so high earlier in the year, was sagging. “Liberals have been in a dither for several weeks now over Barack Obama’s supposedly listless campaign performance following his return from Europe,” influential blogger Kevin Drum summed up sentiments at that time, “and as near as I can tell this turned into something close to panic.”

These doldrums dissipated by the time of the Democratic convention later in the month, but reemerged in September, when McCain actually moved ahead in some polls. And the diagnosis of the problem was typically that Obama was too passive, and wasn’t articulating a clear enough message. This should sound familiar to connoisseurs of contemporary progressive concerns about Obama.

Now, this deja vu sensation I’m having obviously doesn’t guarantee that the current struggles over health care reform and climate change will have as happy an ending as the presidential contest. But it may well provide a plausible argument for giving the president the benefit of the doubt today as we should have done a year ago.

Part of the psychological problem now may be a matter of unrealistic expectations. Much of the trouble Obama has encountered in promoting his agenda has been entirely predictable. His approval ratings are gradually converging with the 2008 election results. Health care reform is a complicated challenge that threatens a lot of powerful interests and unsettles people happy with their current coverage. Major environmental initiatives lose steam in a deep recession. A new administration gradually begins to assume blame for bad conditions in the country. Republicans, adopting a faux populist tone, are fighting Obama tooth and nail. Democratic activists are frustrated by compromises and sick of having to put up with the Blue Dogs. The Senate is still the Senate, a monument to inertia, pettiness, and strutting egos.

Progressives are waiting for Barack Obama and his team to work the kind of political magic they seemed to work in 2008–except when they didn’t. Cutting through all the mythologizing of the Obama campaign, the real keys to his stretch-run success last year were his legendary calm (“No Drama Obama”); his confidence in his own long-range strategy; his ability to choose competent lieutenants and delegate to them abundantly; and his grasp of the fundamentals of public opinion and persuasion. There was zero sense of panic in the Obama campaign itself late last summer, because they stuck with their strategy and organization and didn’t let the polls or news cycles force them off the path they had chosen.

The administration’s demure approach should thus not be terribly surprising, nor a sign that it has lost its heart or its mind. Obama has not, presumably, lost the qualities he showed in the tougher moments of the 2008 campaign. As it planned its legislative agenda for 2009, Team Obama knew health care reform was going to be challenging, and also knew they could probably get away with blaming the economic emergency for paring it back or slowing it down. They decided this was the right time to act, and it’s far too soon to assume they were wrong.

This particular moment might be more endurable if, as it used to be, August was a political and legislative dead zone. We’d all get a breather, maybe calm down and look ahead to the real deal going down in the fall. But the “August Doesn’t Matter” era has ended–perhaps dating back to the grand jury testimony in the Clinton/Lewinsky scandal in August 1998, if not earlier. (It arguably began to fade when Washington got air-conditioning.) Now, even if nothing substantive is actually happening this month, the absence of action is itself painful, and feels like defeat.

While I certainly don’t know if the Obama game plan for the next couple of months is going to be successful, I’m reasonably sure a game plan exists. On the issue most on everyone’s mind, I certainly don’t know how to reconcile the sharply contrasting demands of House Democrats and Senate “centrists” on sticking points like the public option. But the odds remain good that the House will pass a bill, the Senate will pass a bill, and then we will find out if the White House and the Democratic congressional leadership have the skill to make something happen that we will be able to recognize as “change,” and perhaps even a victory for progressives. Until then, it’s probably a good idea to drink a tall glass of cold water and wait out the August political heat.

Ed Kilgore is managing editor of The Democratic Strategist, a senior fellow at the Progressive Policy Institute, and a frequent contributor to a variety of political journals.


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