Archive for June, 2019


June 26, 2019

Wednesday, June 26, 20

FG moves towards zero waste tolerance level
By Chidimma C. Okeke | Published Date Jun 26, 2019 6:39 AM

The Federal Government has commenced the implementation of the Extended Producer Responsibility Programme (EPR) which is focused on the life cycle management of waste from cradle to cradle with a view to achieving zero waste tolerance level in Nigeria.

At the official launch and inception meeting of the Global Environment Fund (GEF)/ United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in collaboration with the National Environmental Standards and Regulations Enforcement Agency(NESREA) recently, Federal Controller of Environment in Lagos State, Mrs Oluwatoyin Agbenla, said the project implementation was solely intended for the good of the environment and benefit of all Nigerians.

“‘This project is apt, considering the volume of waste being generated and the need to use waste as a resource to grow the economy and generate employment along the waste value chain”, she stated.

She said concern about waste arose from the fact that it contained thousands of hazardous substances, which are released into the environment from the prevalent crude recycling practices where cables are burnt openly; Cathode Ray Tubes (CRT) and other parts are broken and processed to extract copper, other precious materials such as gold, diamond, etc.

Mrs Agbenla noted that about 500,000 used computers are imported into the country annually through the Lagos port and that only 25 per cent were functional used electronics while the remaining 75 per cent were junk or unserviceable.

According to her, the intervention of GEF is to stimulate the development of sustainable circular economy for the end-of-life electronic products in Nigeria, including the treatment and management of e-waste.

Earlier, the Director-General/CEO of NESREA, Prof Aliyu Jauro, while welcoming the representatives comprising NGO’s, environmental consultants, recyclers and collectors, the academia and UN agencies, said the objective for starting the programme was to adopt financially self-sustaining circular economy approaches for electronics.

While noting that the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) is the implementing agency and NESREA is the executing agency, Jauro said an operational guideline for the implementation of the scheme was developed in 2014 with roles and responsibilities for all stakeholders clearly spelt out.

He added that the global environment benefit will be through direct interventions on e-waste management in Nigeria with the disposal or removal of Persistent organic pollutants s and mercury.


June 26, 2019

Slave owners were paid to free their slaves in 1862 yet Congress debates slavery reparations – Face2Face Africa

June 25, 2019

REPARATIONS OOOWould you take 40 acres of land and a Lamborghini as slavery reparation? – Face2Face Africa

June 25, 2019


June 24, 2019

The New Yorker Interview
Ta-Nehisi Coates Revisits the Case for Reparations
The New YorkerJune 10, 2019

“When I wrote ‘The Case for Reparations,’ my notion wasn’t that you could actually get reparations passed, even in my lifetime,” Coates says.
Photograph by Gabriella Demczuk / NYT / Redux
It’s not often that an article comes along that changes the world, but that’s exactly what happened with Ta-Nehisi Coates, five years ago, when he wrote “The Case for Reparations,” in The Atlantic. Reparations have been discussed since the end of the Civil War—in fact, there is a bill about reparations that’s been sitting in Congress for thirty years—but now reparations for slavery and legalized discrimination are a subject of major discussion among the Democratic Presidential candidates. In a conversation recorded for The New Yorker Radio Hour, David Remnick spoke with Coates, who this month published “Conduction,” a story in The New Yorker’s Fiction Issue. Subjects of the conversation included what forms reparations might take, which Democratic candidates seem most serious about the topic, and how the issue looks in 2019, a political moment very different from when “The Case for Reparations” was written.

This conversation has been edited and condensed.

Ta-Nehisi, for those who may not have read the article five years ago, what, exactly, is the case that you make for reparations—which is a word that’s been around for a long, long time?

The case I make for reparations is, virtually every institution with some degree of history in America, be it public, be it private, has a history of extracting wealth and resources out of the African-American community. I think what has often been missing—this is what I was trying to make the point of in 2014—that behind all of that oppression was actually theft. In other words, this is not just mean. This is not just maltreatment. This is the theft of resources out of that community. That theft of resources continued well into the period of, I would make the argument, around the time of the Fair Housing Act.

So what year is that?

That’s 1968. There are a lot of people who—

But you’re not saying that, between 1968 and 2019, everything is hunky-dory.

I’m not saying everything was hunky-dory at all! But if you were speaking to the most intellectually honest dubious person—because, you have to remember, what I’m battling is this idea that it ended in 1865.

With emancipation and the end of the war?

With the emancipation, yes, yes, yes. And the case I’m trying to make is, within the lifetime of a large number of Americans in this country, there was theft.

A lot of your article was about Chicago housing policy. It was a very technical analysis of housing policy. When people talked to me about the article—and I could tell they hadn’t read it—“So, Ta-Nehisi’s making a case for”—no, no, no, I said. First and foremost, it’s a dissection of a particular policy that’s emblematic of so many other policies.

Right, right. So, out of all of those policies of theft, I had to pick one. And that was really my goal. And the one I picked was housing, was our housing policy. Again, we have this notion that housing as it exists today sort of sprung up from black people coming north, maybe not finding the jobs that they wanted, and thus forming, you know, some sort of pathological culture, and white people, just being concerned citizens, fled to the suburbs. But beneath that was policy! The reason why black people were confined to those neighborhoods in the first place, and white people had access to neighborhoods further away, was because of political decisions. The government underwrote that, through F.H.A. loans, through the G.I. Bill. And that, in turn, caused the devaluing of black neighborhoods, and an inability to access credit, to even improve neighborhoods.

Now, your article starts with someone who lived through these racist policies, a man named Clyde Ross. Tell us the story of Clyde Ross. How did he react to the article?

So, Mr. Ross was living on the West Side of Chicago.

He started out in Mississippi.

Started out in Mississippi, in the nineteen-twenties, born in Mississippi under Jim Crow. His family lost their land, had their land basically stolen from them, had his horse stolen from him. He goes off, fights in World War II, comes back, like a lot of people, says, “I can’t live in Clarksdale[, Mississippi]—I just can’t be here. I’m gonna kill somebody or I’m gonna get killed.” Comes up to Chicago. In Chicago, all of the social conventions of Jim Crow are gone. You don’t have to move off the street because somebody white is walking by, doesn’t have to take his hat off or look down or anything like that, you know. Gets a job at Campbell’s Soup Company, and he wants the, you know, the last emblem of the American Dream—he wants homeownership. Couldn’t go to the bank and get a loan like everybody else.

And he was making a decent wage.

“Conduction,” by Ta-Nehisi Coates

Read the author’s short story in the 2019 Fiction Issue.

Making a decent wage—enough that he could save some money, enough for a down payment. And obviously he has no knowledge—none of us really did, at that point—of what was actually happening, of why this was. No concept of federal policy, really. And so what he ends up with is basically a contract lender, which is a private lender who says, Hey, you give me the down payment, and you own the house. But what they actually did was they kept the deed for the house. And you had to pay off the house in its entirety in order to get the deed. Although you were effectively a renter, you had all of the lack of privilege that a renter has, and yet all the responsibilities that a buyer has. So, if something goes wrong in the house, you have to pay for that. And so these fees would just pile up on these people, and they would lose their houses, and you don’t get your down payment back. Clyde Ross is one of the few people who was able to actually keep his home.

There’s such a moving moment in the piece where he’s sitting with you and he admits, “We were ashamed. We did not want anyone to know that we were that ignorant,” and felt that his ignorance had extended to his understanding of life in America, in Chicago, which had seemed, to use the phrase of the Great Migration, the Promised Land.

Right, right. And he felt like a sucker. And he felt stupid, just as anybody would. And I don’t think he knew, on the level, the extent to which the con actually went. And then living in a community of people—and this was somebody getting a piece—but living in a community of people who were being ripped off. And they couldn’t talk about it to each other because they wanted to maintain this sort of façade, or this front, that they owned their homes, not that somebody else actually held the deed. And so for a long time there was a great period of silence about it.

Did Mr. Ross react to your piece?

Yeah, he did.

What did he say?

He said reparations will never happen.

So, in the aftermath of the piece—piece comes out, fifteen thousand words in The Atlantic, tremendous interest in it. You said this about the piece, I think it was in the Washington Post. You said, “When I wrote ‘The Case for Reparations,’ my notion wasn’t that you could actually get reparations passed, even in my lifetime. My notion was that you could get people to stop laughing.” What did you mean?

Well, I mean, it was a Dave Chappelle joke, you know? And what the joke was was, if black people got reparations, all the silly, dumb things that they would actually do.


You know, buy cars, buy rims, fancy clothes, as though other people don’t do those things. And once I started researching not just the fact of plunder but actually the history of the reparations fight, which literally goes back to the American Revolution—George Washington, when he dies, in his will, he leaves things to those who were enslaved. It wasn’t a foreign notion that if you had stripped people of something you might actually owe them something. It really only became foreign after the Civil War and emancipation. And so this was quite a dignified idea, and actually an idea there was quite a bit of literature on. And the notion that it was somehow funnier, I thought, really, really diminished what was a serious, trenchant, and deeply, deeply perceptive idea.

If you visited Israel between the fifties and a certain time, you would see Mercedes-Benz taxis all over the country, and you’d wonder. This is not a particularly rich country, at least not yet. This was reparations—this was part of the reparations payment from Germany to Israel in the immediate aftermath of the Holocaust, Second World War. What do reparations look like now?

Right, because they gave them vouchers to buy German goods, right.

What’s being asked for? The rewriting of textbooks, the public discussion—what? In terms of policy, how do you look at it?

So first you need the actual crime documented. You need the official imprimatur of the state: they say this actually happened. I just think that’s a crucial, crucial first step. And the second reason you have a commission is to figure out how we pay it back. I think it’s crucial to tie reparations to specific acts—again, why you need a study. This is not ‘I checked black on my census, therefore’—I’ll give you an example of this. For instance, we have what I would almost call a pilot, less significant reparations program right now, actually running in Chicago. Jon Burge, who ran this terrible unit of police officers that tortured black people and sent a lot of innocent black people to jail over the course of I think twenty or so years. And then, once he was found out, in Chicago there was a reparations plan put together with victims, [who] were actually given reparations. But, in addition to that, crucial to that, they changed how they taught history. You had to actually teach Jon Burge. You had to actually teach people about what happened. So it wasn’t just the money. There was some sort of—I hesitate to say educational, but I guess that’s the word we’d use—the educational element to it. And I just think you can’t win this argument by trying to hide the ball. Not in the long term. And so I think both of those things are crucial.

As of this moment, in 2019, there are more than twenty Democratic Presidential candidates running. Eight of them have said they’ll support a bill to at least create a commission to study reparations. What do you make of that? Is it symbolic, or is it lip service, or is it just a way to secure the black vote? Or is it something much more serious than all that?

Uh, it’s probably in some measure all four of those things. It certainly is symbolic. Supporting a commission is not reparations in and of itself. It’s certainly lip service, from at least some of the candidates. I’m actually less sure about [this], in terms of the black vote—it may ultimately be true that this is something that folks rally around, but that’s never been my sense.

Are there candidates that you take more seriously than others when they talk about reparations?

Yeah, I think Elizabeth Warren is probably serious.

In what way?

I think she means it. I mean—I guess it will break a little news—after “The Case for Reparations” came out, she just asked me to come and talk one on one with her about it.

This is five years ago, when your piece came out in The Atlantic?

Yeah, maybe it was a little later than that, but it was about the time. It was well before she declared anything about running for President.

And what was your conversation with Elizabeth Warren like?

She had read it. She was deeply serious, and she had questions. And it wasn’t, like, Will you do X, Y, and Z for me? It wasn’t, like, I’m trying to demonstrate I’m serious. I have not heard from her since, either, by the way.

Have you talked to any candidates about it?


You published your article five years ago. Barack Obama was President. We are now in a different time and place. How would you place the reparations discussion in this moment?

Yeah, I think people have stopped laughing, and that is really, really important. Does it mean reparations tomorrow? No, it doesn’t. Does it mean end of the fight? No, it doesn’t. But it’s a step, and I think that’s significant.

Now, what would you like to see the outcome of a conversation, or the American equivalent of a South African study into American history, be?

A policy for repair. I think what you need to do is you need to figure out what the exact axes of white supremacy are, and have been, and find out a policy to repair each of those. In other words, this is not just a mass payment. So take the area that I researched. The time I wrote the article—less every day—the time I wrote the article, there were living victims, and are living victims, who had been denied—

Who were on the South Side and the West Side of Chicago.

Yeah! All over this country. People who had been deprived, who had been discriminated against. Set up a claims office. Look at the census tracts. Are those people actually still living there? You know, maybe you can design some sort of investment through resources. Maybe you can have something at the individual level, maybe you can have something at the neighborhood level, and then you would go down the line. You would look at education. You would look at our criminal-justice policy. You would go down the line and address these specifically and directly.

Is your job to just break the glass on a subject, the way you did with reparations, or is it your job to then follow through the way a scholar would for years thereafter?

That’s a great question.

Do you feel your work here is done, and now I’m moving on to the next thing, as you have with any number of subjects? Or do you have to sustain it? Is that on you?

I don’t know. I really don’t know. I would like to be able to move on. But I recognize that’s not entirely up to me.

It’s not.

No. Not at all. I just feel like, if you write an article on reparations that has the effect that it actually does, which I didn’t expect, it’s very hard to say. I have to conclude that I clearly have something to say, and a way of saying it, that can affect things. So, if that’s the case, what is your responsibility now? What right have you to say, “I’m done talking about this”? “Because I feel like it.” I don’t know that you get to do that. I’m actually, I feel myself to be very, very grounded in the African-American struggle, even though I’m not. I don’t consider myself an activist. When I think about writing that article, I think about all the people before me who’ve been making the case for reparations from street corners—One Twenty-fifth, in Harlem—and couldn’t get access to an august publication like that. And I think about how I got access, and it strikes me that you owe folks something. You don’t get to just do what you want.


June 23, 2019

Sickle Cell NewsWk
World Sickle Cell Report – testimonies, arts, views, interviews, etc from around the world

Irrespective of their genotype every African must do something about sickle cell
The Return Of The Native
Yeye Akilimali Funua Olade migrated to Africa
40 years ago on the advice of an Ifa Priest
By Fatima Garba Mohammed

Yeye Olade, always attired in Aso Oke
A chance discussion about sickle cell at one-time gubernatorial hopeful Engineer Femi Babalola’s Ring Road, Ibadan office got Yeye Funua Akilimali Olade really worked up. Someone at the office had remarked that SCD was not a problem in his family and ‘in Jesus’ name’ would never be one.

lya, as she prefers to be called, rose up in defence of SCD, saying it was a peculiar Black Race problem, which deserved to be tackled by all Africans irrespective of their genotype.

Anyone who encountered Iya in the street in her Aso Oke would be forgiven for assuming she was going to or returning from a festive occasion such as a wedding, naming ceremony or burial. Her friends had told her repeatedly that Aso Oke was only worn on special days, but such is her love of Aso Oke that she wears them every day. Iya’s entire wardrobe comprises only Aso Oke! Indeed she has been wearing only Aso One since 1990!

When Iya, now 74, speaks English or Yoruba, you pause for a moment. You know at once she is not a native. Neither the tone nor the delivery of either language is Nigerian.

Born and bred in the United States, her given name, Michele Paul, is but a distant memory. At Oyotunji Village, South Carolina, USA, a babalawo (Ifa priest) had advised her husband and her to migrate to Africa.

Michele studied African History at San Francisco State University, and at the University of California, Berkeley did masters in Librarianship.

Goodbye, America
In 1978, at the age of 34, Michele packed bag and baggage and moved to Africa; her African-American husband was to join her later. She had applied for and gotten a job with Nigeria’s Ministry of Education, which assigned her to the Federal Government Girls College, Ilaro.

It was the perfect setting in which to raise her children (the oldest of whom was 12 at the time), away from what she considered the decadent culture of her birthplace.

‘l think being raised in America is the worst thing that could happen to a child,’ Iya asserts.

Yeye Olade with Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, Governor of Osun State, Nigeria
English is a forbidden language in her home. She hired locals to steep her children in Yoruba language and culture. Needless to say, all Iya’s children speak Yoruba fluently. And they bear Yoruba names too. For herself, she picked a combination of Swahili, and Yoruba names to answer to. Her American passport bears her African names.

‘Getting my African name on my passport is my final repudiation of my slave name, Michele Paul,’ Iya submits. Her husband, formerly Christopher Leon Williams transformed to an agbada-donning Ayantuga Olade.

The children are all back in the US and married to Yoruba spouses. Yam pounding in a traditional mortar is nothing to them!

‘Getting my African name on my passport is my final repudiation

of my slave name, Michele Paul,’ Iya submits

Life in Retirement
lya now is Chief Librarian at Dr. Bayo Adebowale’s African Heritage and Research Library and Cultural Centre, perhaps the biggest privately-owned African Studies library in Africa. Trust her to keep away from the hustle and bustle of the urban metropolis: the library is located at Adeyipo Village, lgbo Elerin in Lagelu Local Government Area, Ibadan.

An adherent of the teachings of Mary Baker Eddy (Christian Science), lya says she has not taken any medication since she was 11. ‘Christian Science helps me to keep healthy,’ she asserts.

Yeye Olade with Gani Adams
Iya has wormed her way into the political ring in her adopted country, particularly in southwest Nigeria. She is well known to governors and the powers that be in every notable political party. She is fast becoming a king maker herself.

Iya is also known to monarchs – and to people monarchs want to know! She has visited with and has been visited by the cream of Yoruba society including Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, Governor of Osun State and Gani Adams, the Aare Ona Kakanfo (Generalissimo) of Yorubaland.

Sickle Cell

The septuagenarian is not particularly impressed with the way Africa has been handling the SCD crisis of ignorance, myth and misconception.
‘Sickle Cell is predominantly a Black Race problem,’ she posits, ‘And Nigeria must take the lead in finding a solution.’

‘Sickle Cell is predominantly a Black Race problem,’ she posits,

‘And Nigeria must take the lead in finding a solution.’

No Regrets
Iya has never regretted her decision to settle down in Nigeria. In 40 years since migrating to Africa, she ‘very reluctantly’ visited the United States twice – in 1998 when she went to collect a poetry prize, and in 2007 when her mother was gravely ill. Her mother passed away two years later.

Iya Funua Olade considers African culture far superior to any other and enjoins Africans to celebrate their own history by giving meaningful African names to their children.

Iya Olade grants an interview:

Recent Posts
ANNE WELSH: Living with pain, finding joy
‘My Parents Were Victims of Wrong Genotype Result’
WSCD: Synapse Wellness Offers Free Services to Nigerians With Sickle Cell
World Sickle Cell Day: Fidelity Bank Sponsors Red Umbrella Walk in Lagos
Anambra Sickle Cell Law Stirs up Hornets’ Nest
news posts
news posts
Search for: Search
About This Site
We are affiliated to the world’s firdt dedicated news-magazine on SCD – the African Sickle Cell News & World Report.

African Sickle Cell News & World Report

Jan-March 2018 edition

April-June 2016 edition

Oct-Dec 2017 edition

July-September 2018 edition

Menace In My Blood – my affliction with sickle cell anaemia Ayoola Olajide (Ola Tamedu)

Oct – Dec 2018 edition

April-June 2018 edition
anambra sickle cell law
blood drive and donation
blood transfusion
bone marrow transplant
breaking news
criminal justice
drug research
herbal medicine
sex and sickle cell
timi edwin
tosin bucknor
yemisi oladejo
Recent Comments
Bams181 on Jenica Leah On SEX and Sickle Cell
Log in
Entries RSS
Comments RSS
All rights reserved © Sickle Cell NewsWk Powered by WordPress Theme by SEOS

BLACKAMERIKKKANS SHOW UP IN CONGRESS TO SUPPORT Reparations for slavery in amerikkka ooo!

June 19, 2019

June 18, 2019

Reduce photo to accurate file size. #Android #QReduce Lite –

YORUBA unity oooo!

June 18, 2019

June 18, 2019

Face2Face Africa
Skip to navigation (n)
Skip to content (c)
Skip to footer (f)
Join premium
Sign inLog out
Africa was the most civilized continent 5,000 years ago – Museveni explains how to bounce back
March 30, 2019 at 06:18 am | NEWS


FULL BIO CLOSE Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email
Mildred Europa Taylor is a writer and content creator. She loves writing about health and women’s issues in Africa and the African diaspora.

The ‘world’s most beautiful girl’ from Nigeria finds big break in international modelling
Here are Africa’s best airports for 2019
South African woman discovers gene causing hair loss in women of African descent
How to test for pregnancy without a kit
Kenya burns $100,000 worth of condoms declared substandard
Africa was the most civilized continent 5,000 years ago – Museveni explains how to bounce back
Remembering the national hero of the Central African Republic who died in a plane crash before independence
Here are Africa’s best airports for 2019

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni speaks at a public lecture in Kenya.
Integration is the only way African countries will reach the status of Europe, the United States, and China, said Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni Friday at a public lecture in Kenya that was nearly marred by students.

The police were forced to lob tear gas canisters at some rowdy Kenyatta University students who were shouting pro-Bobi Wine chants outside a building where Museveni was giving the lecture, reports Daily Nation.

The students had initially raised issues about being locked out of the amphitheatre where Museveni was giving his lecture at the main campus on Thika-Nairobi highway. They had even welcomed Museveni’s convoy with chants of Bobi Wine! Bobi Wine!

Support Pan-African Journalism

Museveni angers Somalis by calling their troubled country stateless
The little-known Ugandan president toppled by Yoweri Museveni in 1986
Why Ugandan activist jailed for insulting President Museveni on Facebook rejected bail [Video]
They beat, punched, and kicked me: read the harrowing experience of a Ugandan MP who went against Museveni
WHAT YOU MISSED: Police on Friday were forced to lob tear gas canisters at Kenyatta University students who were shouting pro-Bobi Wine chants outside a building where President Yoweri Museveni was giving a public lecture.

— Daily Nation (@dailynation) March 30, 2019
Bobi Wine is a legislator in Uganda and musician who has been vocal against Museveni’s administration and is seen as a growing threat by the ruling elite.

Museveni, who was in Kenya on a state visit, had to endure the chants from the students to deliver his speech on the subject of African integration, civilization and the idea of a unified continent.

Museveni at Kenyatta University
Museveni believes that even though most of the continent’s problems can be blamed on its colonial history, Africa’s leaders have to unite towards ensuring a better future.

“Africa is the pioneer of civilisation. The free labour of (African) slaves is part of the efforts that liberated Europe from poverty,” he said.

In spite of the continent’s contribution to the industrial revolution, African countries, according to Museveni, are still yet to fully develop. He attributed this to institutional failure, neocolonialism, tribalism and external intervention.

Below are excerpts of his speech:

“Africa had also played a critical role in preservation and advancement of religions. Jacob’s brothers, who became the 12 tribes of Israel, survived famine by going to Egypt. Jesus too was hidden in Egypt while Prophet Muhammad was sheltered in Ethiopia.

“But despite these early leaps, Africa in the last 600 years retarded, becoming a victim of slave trade, colonialism, neo-colonialism, genocides, poverty and other ills. The question then is, how can we, who were first now be the last and how do we stop these from re-occuring?

“The approach to this has been five-fold. First, we had to fight colonialism and get our freedom. It is a largely complete task. This independence meant giving our people a role in choosing leaders and determining how state affairs run. Democracy therefore is the second tenet.

“The third issue is that of prosperity. In order for prosperity to occur, we had to offer a clear ideological guide on rejection of identity ahead of interests. Of what use is your tribe when they cannot purchase what you produce? You need other people to support your prosperity.

“Fourth. Prosperity occurs when you have integration. Seeing how small our markets are, we need to integrate as regions and blocs. It is why we make a case for the EAC. Besides expanding our regional markets, this also helps us when negotiating with 3rd parties like the US & China.

“Economic integration alone is not enough. We must address issues of strategic security, reason we push for political federations. The experience of prosperous but militarily weak countries like Germany, Poland, France being overrun in the world wars should teach us a lesson.

“The fifth pillar is the social fabric that unites our people. Africa has four broad language groups. The Niger-Congo, Nilo-Saharan, the Afro-Asiatic and the Khoisan. For East Africa, Kiswahili is a neutral language that we can adopt. There is a lot more to unite than divide us.”

Museveni highlighted more in the following video:

Museveni’s Full Speech In KU, Economic Integration is the answer to Many… @nyamadon – found it. In case anyone else is interested

— Alan Kasujja (@kasujja) March 29, 2019
Meanwhile, Museveni’s lecture and the protests from students have been met with mixed reactions. Here are some of them:

Lack of respect and clueless generation. They could have had one of them give a moving speech asking museveni to give young generation a chance. I get to understand @kenyattauni is a literature centre.

— Hon. ttndemwa (@titusndemwa) March 30, 2019
i am still perplexed that all them young people could chant as Uganda’s president Museveni gave a speech at KU,was “Bobby Wine”.. Sth like #FreeStellaNyanzi or even lift a banner with ” we can grow canes and produce our own sugar” would be been something,at least .. mùhahe💯

— Antony Marekia (@antony_marekia) March 30, 2019
Is Museveni a bad leader? Most probably yes depending on whom you ask. Should his speech be disrupted? Definitely no, like everybody else he has a right to free speech and the attendees have freedom of association. Disrupting free speech by shouting is equally as bad as govt muzz

— C 5H 8N4O 12 (@denflex) March 29, 2019
Sakaja speech can be 100 times better. What does museveni know about integration. dictators need not lecture anyone at this era.Preaching water and gulping wine is a thing of the past!

— Kipngetich Ronald (@KipngetichRona6) March 29, 2019
Kenyatta University heckling Museveni chanting Bobi wine for president…good news but this shows how our intelligence agency is not up for the task to gather intelligence…this is an embarrassment to the GoK

— John Oyato (@JohnOyato) March 30, 2019
Thank God Museveni went to Kenyatta university. If it was University of Nairobi the business would be unusual

— TheBoyNamedEricoh (@Eric_Kinoti254) March 30, 2019
Thank you very much Kenyatta University for disappointing @KagutaMuseveni .
Uganda needs change!
Museveni should give other people a chance to rule.#Democracy @HEBobiwine , @Babu_Owino ,@Julius_S_Malema
Africa need change!!!!
Leaders shouldn’t impose themselves to citizens!!!

— Hon. Kevin Orang’i 🇰🇪 (@KevinSendora) March 30, 2019
Kenya got a very bad trade deal from Uganda bilateral negotiations. Our farmers were left dead. But when Museveni went for a lecture at Kenyatta University, the students did not chant “Take back your sugar, milk, poultry, eggs,tiles & dry port” Instead they shouted “Bobi Wine!”

— Moses Kuria (@HonMoses_Kuria) March 30, 2019

Kenyatta University students sijui mpewe mbili mbili. That was splendid work reminding Museveni his time as a Uganda president is over👏👏👏👏

— Neshkin JM🇰🇪 (@Neshkin92) March 30, 2019
This video shows Kenya is not Uganda where dictator Museveni can micromanage people besides limiting their liberty. Kenyatta University students have given him some warnings. Next time we might decide to ban him from stepping into Kenya. #FreeStellaNyanzi

— Abuga Makori CBS MBE (@o_abuga) March 29, 2019
Enter email address to receive updates from Face2face Africa



Kenya burns $100,000 worth of condoms declared substandard

Trump grants thousands of Liberians facing deportation another year to leave the U.S.

Nigerians are importing pizza from London – worried Minister discloses

Stop performing or face prison – Ugandan minister warns 7-year-old rapper

You probably didn’t know that California is named after a black queen

Africans react to rapper Meek Mill’s question: ‘Why American social media never support African tragedies?’

4 African countries where women risk death in the search of the perfect butt

The ‘world’s most beautiful girl’ from Nigeria finds big break in international modelling
Subscribe now
Enter Email Address
Art Attack
Fashion Finds
Money Moves
Foodie Friday
Africa Quiz
Tech & Innovation
Diaspora Connect
Faces of Black History
30 Black Stars
Pan-African Weekend
Facelist Awards
Women Forum
Ankara Jazz Brunch
IAAPA Network
Exclusive Events
Terms of ServicePrivacy PolicyAbout UsNewsletterContributor’s GuidelinesContact usAdvertise with usWork@ Babu GlobalLeadership
© 2011- 2019 BABU GLOBAL.

Must Read

You probably didn’t know that California is named after a black queen

The ‘world’s most beautiful girl’ from Nigeria finds big break in international modelling

%d bloggers like this: