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George Floyd ooo!-Armed Mainly Black Protestors March!

July 5, 2020

Predominantly Black armed protesters march through Confederate memorial park in Georgia

A predominantly Black group of heavily armed protesters marched through Stone Mountain Park near Atlanta on Saturday, calling for removal of the giant Confederate rock carving at the site that civil rights activists consider a monument to racism. A man speaks into a bullhorn while pointing at the Confederate Monument carved into granite on Stone Mountain while protesting the monument at Stone Mountain Park in Stone Mountain, Georgia, U.S. June 16, 2020. REUTERS/Dustin Chambers Video footage of the Independence Day rally posted on social media showed scores of demonstrators dressed in black – many in paramilitary-style clothing and all wearing face scarves – quietly parading several abreast down a sidewalk at the park. Many of the protesters carried rifles, including military-type weapons, and some wore ammunition belts slung over their shoulders. Although African Americans appeared to account for the vast majority of the marchers, protesters of various races, men and women alike, were among the group. One video clip showed a leader of the demonstrators, who was not identified, shouting into a loudspeaker in a challenge to white supremacists who historically have used Stone Mountain as a rallying spot of their own. “I don’t see no white militia,” he declared. “We’re here. Where … you at? We’re in your house. Let’s go.” John Bankhead, a spokesman for the Stone Mountain Memorial Association, said the protesters were peaceful and orderly. “It’s a public park, a state park. We have these protests on both sides of the issue from time to time. We respect people’s First Amendment right,” Bankhead told NBC affiliate station WXIA-TV. “We understand the sensitivities of the issue here at the park … so we respect that and allow them to come in as long as it’s peaceful, which it has been.” Stone Mountain, which reopened for the holiday weekend following a weeks-long closure over the coronavirus, has faced renewed calls for its removal since the May 25 death of George Floyd, an unarmed Black man, at the hands of Minneapolis police. Floyd’s killing helped revive a long-simmering conflict between groups seeking to do away with Confederate statues and sculptures, which they see as pro-slavery symbols, and those who believe they honor the traditions and history of the Deep South. Nine stories high and spanning the length of a football field, the bas-relief Stone Mountain sculpture carved into a granite wall overlooking the Georgia countryside some 25 miles (40 km) east of Atlanta remains the largest such monument to America’s Civil War Confederacy. It features the likenesses of Jefferson Davis, who was president of the 11-state Confederacy, and two of his legendary generals, Robert E. Lee and Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson. Stone Mountain has long held symbolism for white supremacists. The Ku Klux Klan, a hate group that was formed by Confederate Army veterans and has a history of lynchings and terror against Black people, held its rebirth ceremony atop mountain in 1915 with flaming crosses. Klansmen still hold occasional gatherings in the shadows of the edifice, albeit now met with protesters behind police tape. Many of those cross-burnings took place on or around July 4. Reporting by Steve Gorman in Eureka, California

Solar Power is Coming to Africa With a Bang o!

July 5, 2020

Predominantly Black armed protesters march through Confederate memorial park in Georgia – Reuters

July 5, 2020

The Black Man Is The Father Of Civilization, The Black Woman Is The Mother Of Humanity

July 5, 2020

The Black Man Is The Father Of Civilization, The Black Woman Is The Mother Of Humanity

The Black Man Is The Father Of Civilization, The Black Woman Is The Mother Of Humanity

— Read on

“Black people are the original authors of all human history. Sounds like a bold claim, something that people often say, but can never fully substantiate. It’s the type of statement that falls in league with “Black people are the mothers and fathers of all civilization” and “All the gods of the world’s religions were originally Black.” These are some bold claims, often made by the excited lip professors and arrogant rhetoric-ologists, but they’re far from untrue.” – Supreme Understanding

Who is the Original Man? Who is the Original Woman?

The Black Man & Woman. When I say black I am referring both to the melanin that influences skin color (among many other things) and the essence of blackness.

Dr. Richard King said, “Black was the color of carbon, the key atom found in all living matter. Carbon atoms linked together to form black melanin, the first chemical that could capture light and reproduce itself. The chemical key to life and the brain itself was found to be centered around black neuromelanin.”

Blackness is the origin of everything, from humans to the universe. All developed and born from blackness.

The original people are the prime carriers of melanin for the human species – the black, transmutable, life-bringing, multidimensional, superconductive substance of the universe. Melanin is why a ‘hue’-man is called a human in the first place. Humanity is melanated. The original people of planet earth are melanated. Black people are the original people.

Some people have been brainwashed by racism so much that even the thought of a black person having ANY unique skills or ANY supreme circumstance is blasphemous. It’s easier for some people to believe that all wise and mysterious intergalactic creatures from space came and built the wonders of the world rather then the black people, the original people, who’ve been civilized and civilizing on this planet for millions of years.

Jason Williams, “Aliens” Didn’t Build The Pyramids Or Other Ancient Wonders, It Was Black People

The original people, the very first people to walk the earth were densely melanated people. In other words they were very, very, very dark-skinned people. The biological circumstance of the original people is empowered by nature, the elements, and the sun.

Within the original people is the capacity to produce all potential variations of human life – all races of people on planet earth can trace their history to a group of dark-skinned, melanated people.

Black people.

“In school, most of us did not learn about a “Black Planet”. Our history lessons did not exceed the timeline of caucasian history, as if nothing that happened before Greece and Rome. Most of our teachers never emphasized the fact that black people were advanced and civilized before a single caucasian walked the earth. If it was mentioned that human life started in Africa, it’s often introduced in a way that suggest the melanated masses were savages and unequipped for supreme thought, and that black people were lost until “The Great White Hope” came along.”

Jason Williams, Black History Did Not Start In America, It Started At The Beginning Of Humanity

Black people are at the foundation of agriculture, animal breeding, architecture, art, astronomy, business and trade, cash and currency, ceramics, clothing, dance, economics, healthcare, housing, jewelry, mail, mathematics, medicine, metalworking, mining, music, pottery, science, shoes, spoken language, sports, technology, and written language. All invented by black people.

So when you look at the ancient monuments that are now wonders of the world, think to yourself, black (melanated) men built that. All of them. Most of those architectural masterpieces were built before a single caucasian walked the earth.

Also, I’m not saying women weren’t part of the building process, but realistically it was strong black men carrying the heaviest load and working the heavy machinery.

When you look at the billions of people on planet earth, think to yourself, black women made this possible. If it wasn’t for black women, nobody on the planet would be alive today. The black woman birthed humanity.

The thought of black people being the foundation of anything, let alone everything, is repulsive to some. Yes even some black people too. Some of us have been swindled in the the sunken place by the lies of caucasians who seek to keep us dumb, deaf, and blind. There are actually people, of all races, who still truly believe in their heart that black people were savages swinging from trees and that caucasians brought us civilization.

They must not have heard of people like Dr. John Henrik Clarke, Dr. Ivan Sertima, J.A. Rogers, John G. Jackson, Dr. “Ben”, and the many others who’ve thoroughly documented ancient to modern black history around the world.

Most of the things you use on a daily basis are the inventions of black people. The air conditioner, the automatic gear shift, the automatic traffic light, the bicycle frame, the cell phone, the clock, the almanac, the clothes dryer, the electric lamp bulb, the guitar, the mailbox, the motor, the refrigerator, the stove, the telephone, the thermostat control, the toilet, the world’s fastest computer and the list goes on and on.

This is just in modern times, this isn’t even including ancient history yet.

Jason Williams, Black People Invented Everything: The Melanated Mind Is The Foundation Of All Things

Photo Credit:


Without “BLACK LIVES” there would be no humanity or civilization as we know it.

The Black (Melanated) man is the ORIGINAL, and the father of civlization.

The Black (melanated) woman is the ORIGINAL, the mother of humanity.

Crowds tear down statues, attack Wisconsin state senator – Times of India

July 5, 2020

Crowds tear down statues, attack Wisconsin state senator – Times of India
— Read on

The Black Wall Street Massacre by whites in 1921 ooo!

July 5, 2020
TULSA, OKLAHOMA – JUNE 18: The Black Wall Street Massacre memorial is shown June 18, 2020 in Tulsa, Oklahoma. The Black Wall Street Massacre happened in 1921 and was one of the worst race riots in the history of the United States where more than 35 square blocks of a predominantly black neighborhood were destroyed in two days of rioting leaving between 150-300 people dead. (Photo by Win McNamee/Getty Images)
Win McNamee

Nearly a century ago, thousands of Black Tulsa, Oklahoma residents had built a self-sustaining community that supported hundreds of Black-owned businesses. It was known as “Black Wall Street.” This summer marked the 99th anniversary of the Tulsa race massacre, a tragic event perpetrated on Black Wall Street, which has been described as “the single worst incident of racial violence in American history.”

The incident, which is estimated to have claimed the lives of as many as 300 people (the vast majority being Black), devastated a neighborhood that had grown over the previous 15 years to become one of the wealthiest enclaves for Black Americans in the country.

Still, for many Americans, the June 1, 1921 massacre and the history of Tulsa’s “Black Wall Street” neighborhood represent a gap in their knowledge of American history.

In fact, when a depiction of the massacre appeared in the opening scenes of “Watchmen”, a popular fictional HBO series that debuted in October and drew from the real-life events of 1921, many viewers reported that they initially believed they were witnessing fictional events. Historians say the history of “Black Wall Street” and the massacre that occurred there (much like the Juneteenth holiday) have generally not been taught in U.S. schools over the past century, even in Oklahoma, where the racist incident was only added to statewide school curriculums in February.

Here’s a look at how Tulsa’s Greenwood District grew to become a haven for Black entrepreneurs at the beginning of the 20th century — and how 24 hours of racist violence destroyed much of what thousands of Black residents had built there, only for that tragic event and the people it affected to be unjustly ignored by history, for the most part, for decades afterward.

Entrepreneur O.W. Gurley and the founding of ‘Black Wall Street’

Tulsa, in general, began to flourish around the turn of the 20th Century, thanks to a huge oil boom in Oklahoma. The area also saw a major uptick in Black settlers around that time, and leading up to Oklahoma’s 1907 statehood, as land was readily available.

In 1906, a wealthy African-American land-owner, named O.W. Gurley, moved to Tulsa and bought 40 acres of land that he opted to only sell to Black settlers. Gurley had been born in Arkansas to former slaves and was mostly self-educated. Believing he was unlikely to experience success in the Jim Crow-era South, Gurley left Arkansas in the 1890s to join thousands of other homesteaders claiming land (which previously belonged to Native Americans but was made available by the federal government to westward traveling settlers).

Gurley initially established himself roughly 80 miles west of Tulsa, where he claimed a plot of land, became principal of the local school and ran a successful general store for more than a decade, according to Forbes. With the state’s oil boom bringing newfound wealth to Tulsa in the early 1900s, Gurley moved to the city and bought the 40-acre plot that he and other Black entrepreneurs named Greenwood.

Gurley “had a vision to create something for black people by black people,” author and historian Hannibal Johnson wrote in his book, “Black Wall Street: From Riot to Renaissance in Tulsa’s Historic Greenwood District.”

In a recent interview, Johnson told Forbes that “Greenwood was perceived as a place to escape oppression—economic, social, political oppression—in the Deep South. It was an economy born of necessity. It wouldn’t have existed had it not been for Jim Crow segregation and the inability of Black folks to participate to a substantial degree in the larger white-dominated economy.”

Gurley loaned money to other black entrepreneurs looking to start their own businesses. This was important in establishing the Greenwood District as a center of Black business and wealth, as Black entrepreneurs would have otherwise had little to no opportunity to borrow money from white-owned banks during the Jim Crow Era. And, as Johnson points out, Gurley’s push for Black-owned businesses was also a necessity in an era in America where intense racial segregation meant that Black citizens were often barred from patronizing many white-owned establishments.

One of Gurley’s early business partners was J.B. Stradford, another son of former slaves who grew up to graduate from Oberlin College and obtain a law degree from Indiana Law School. After running a string of businesses in St. Louis, Stradford moved to Tulsa and built rental properties as well as the Stradford Hotel, which became a fixture on Greenwood Avenue.

The 54-room hotel was reportedly the largest black-owned and -operated hotel in America, and it featured a dining hall, gambling hall, saloon and regular Jazz performances for the neighborhood’s residents. Forbes notes that Stradford’s hotel, boosted by Greenwood’s rising success, would eventually be valued at roughly $75,000 (or over $1 million in today’s dollars) before it was destroyed in the violence of 1921.

Gurley himself also built a rooming house, multiple rental properties and his own hotel. He also ownd a Masonic Lodge and a successful grocery store, which he supplied with produce from his nearby 80-acre farm. According to Forbes, as Greenwood’s population grew, Gurley’s fortune was ultimately worth roughly $200,000, equivalent to $2.7 million today.

Other prominent Black business-owners in the area included John and Loula Williams, who owned a candy shop and built the neighborhood’s Dreamland Theater, a 750-seat movie theater. There was also Andrew Smitherman, a lawyer who also founded and ran the Tulsa Star, one of the area’s most prominent Black-owned newspapers.

The community even featured its own hospital and public library. Greenwood was a “modern, majestic, sophisticated, and unapologetically black” community, author Josie Pickens wrote for Ebony in 2013, adding that the neighborhood even had “a remarkable school system that superiorly educated black children.”

By 1921, Tulsa’s Greenwood District was one of the wealthiest Black communities in the U.S. and a center of Black wealth. The community of roughly 10,000 residents was thriving and supported Black-owned banks, restaurants, hotels, grocery stores and luxury shops, along with offices for Black lawyers and doctors. Because Tulsa was still very much racially segregated at the time, the Black residents mostly patronized Black-owned businesses, which helped the community thrive.

In fact, the community was so self-sustaining that it’s now estimated that every dollar spent in the Greenwood District circulated within the neighborhood and its businesses at least 36 times, according to historians.

The district’s success actually inspired Black author and orator Booker T. Washington to coin its nickname, which he originally called “Negro Wall Street,” but which later became known as “Black Wall Street,” according to the Greenwood Cultural Center.

That being said, the Greenwood District was far from a utopia. Even though many Black residents owned successful businesses and lived in relative luxury, historian Scott Ellsworth has pointed out that many others were poor and lived in “shanties and shacks.”

How Tulsa’s Black Wall Street is faring during the pandemic

The Tulsa massacre

Historians note that many of the Greenwood District’s Black residents had moved to the area to escape the virulent racism of the Deep South.

However, while Greenwood’s “Black Wall Street” was a self-sustaining enclave for Tulsa’s Black community, it was also only blocks away from predominantly white neighborhoods that remained unwelcoming to their Black neighbors. What’s more, racist violence was on the rise in the U.S. at the time. Just two years before the Tulsa Massacre, the nation endured the Red Summer of 1919, when at least 25 riots and incidents of mob violence erupted in major cities across the U.S., killing hundreds of people, most of whom were Black.

Those pre-existing racial tensions set the stage for a bloody day of racist violence that erupted over a nearly 24-hour period, ending June 1, 1921, after an armed white mob descended on the Greenwood District.

The mob attacked black residents and businesses in the neighborhood, leaving 35 city blocks “in charred ruins,” according to the Tulsa Historical Society. In the skirmishes, as many as 300 people (mostly Black) were killed and hundreds more were injured, while thousands of Tulsa’s black residents lost their homes and businesses.

The violence had been sparked by an incident in the preceding days involving a young African-American shoe-shiner named Dick Rowland, who rode in an elevator operated by a young white woman named Sarah Page. While reports of exactly what happened in the elevator vary, it is widely believed that Rowland accidentally came into contact with Page (perhaps stepping on her foot, or tripping and falling into her, according to different reports), causing her to scream.

One witness who heard the scream called the police, who eventually arrested Rowland on May 31. Meanwhile, after a Tulsa Tribune newspaper article falsely claimed that Rowland had assaulted Page, rumors about the incident ran wildly and some accounts even falsely claimed he had raped the woman, according to The New York Times. (Local law enforcement later admonished the Tribune for publishing an “untrue account” that helped to incite the violence, according to the Tulsa World.)

Tulsa’s Black residents, fearing that Rowland would be lynched by an angry mob (a horrifically regular occurrence that’s estimated to have happened thousands of times in the U.S. during the Jim Crow Era) after he received threats on his life, gathered in front of the city’s courthouse where he was being held. A confrontation broke out between black and white groups at the courthouse, both of which were armed, resulting in shots being fired.

After that initial skirmish, Black residents retreated to the Greenwood District, while groups of white vigilantes reportedly spread throughout Tulsa attacking any Black people they encountered, according to the Oklahoma Historical Society. On the morning of June 1, a mob of over a thousand white people overran the affluent Black neighborhood, attacking and shooting residents.

The white mob looted and burned most of the neighborhood, firing on residents who tried to defend themselves but were outgunned by the attackers, some of whom reportedly had machine guns, surviving eyewitnesses later reported. Some survivors even said that the attackers flew over the area in private airplanes, from which they shot at Black residents and dropped firebombs on buildings.

Billowing Smoke during Tulsa Race Massacre, Alvin C. Krupnick Co., June 1921.Billowing Smoke during Tulsa Race Massacre, Alvin C. Krupnick Co., June 1921.
Universal History Archive | Universal Images Group via Getty Images

The Oklahoma Historical Society reports that the violence trailed off later in the morning, upon the arrival of troops from the National Guard, though much of the neighborhood was already in ruins by that point. However, other reports suggest that the National Guard and the Tulsa police arrested Black residents instead of their attackers, and that some troops even joined in the attack, according to The New York Times.

In the end, more than 1,200 homes were reportedly burned, leaving most of the Greenwood District’s 10,000 residents homeless. Over 6,000 of them were rounded up into internment camps by the local government and forced to live in tents, in some cases for months after the massacre.

In 2019, archaeologists in Tulsa discovered what they believed to be one site likely used as a mass grave to bury many of those who died in the massacre.

Smoldering Ruins of African American's Homes following the Tulsa Massacre, USA, Alvin C. Krupnick Co., June 1921.Smoldering Ruins of African American’s Homes following the Tulsa Massacre, USA, Alvin C. Krupnick Co., June 1921.
Universal History Archive | Universal Images Group via Getty Images

Meanwhile, Rowland was eventually exonerated, but an all-white grand jury decided not to charge any white residents in the wake of the violence, which mostly blamed on Black residents, according to the Oklahoma Historical Society.

For many years after the massacre, there was some argument over whether the incident should be referred to as a massacre or a “riot.” Early reports referred to the incident as the “Tulsa Race Riot,” with the Tulsa Historical Society noting that such terminology may have been used for insurance purposes, as a riot would not have required insurance companies to pay out benefits to Black residents whose homes and businesses were burned.

The Greenwood District after the massacre

The Greenwood District was eventually rebuilt by Black residents who refused to leave the city, starting immediately after the massacre, with hundreds of structures rebuilt by the end of 1921. By 1925, Greenwood hosted the annual conference of Booker T. Washington’s National Negro Business League and, by 1942, the neighborhood boasted more than 200 Black-owned businesses, according to a report from the state’s 1921 Tulsa Race Riot Centennial Commission.

Still, many of the neighborhood’s surviving Black residents never fully recovered the wealth that was lost amid the looting and destruction.

“For years, black women would see white women walking down the street in their jewelry and snatch it off,” John W. Franklin of the National Museum of African American History and Culture said in 2016.

As for individual entrepreneurs, Gurley and Stradford reportedly lost their fortunes in the violence and destruction, and both left Tulsa. Stradford moved to Chicago, where he set up a successful law practice. Gurley moved to Los Angeles, where little is known of what he did before he died in 1935.

Smitherman’s newspaper press, business and home were all destroyed in the massacre. He left Tulsa after, fleeing to Massachusetts while reportedly facing some blame from Tulsa authorities for inciting the violence because his newspaper advocated for Black Americans to arm themselves and stand up for their rights.

The Dreamland Theater was rebuilt by the community after the massacre, but the theater and many of the rebuilt neighborhood’s businesses eventually shut down a few decades later. As Tulsa neared the mid-century mark, increasing integration across the country meant that Black residents no longer needed to only spend their money at Black-owned businesses, which sent money outside of the community. What’s more, Tulsa (like many other U.S. cities) committed to “urban renewal” plans in the 1960s and ’70s that razed much of the Greenwood District to make way for public works projects, including construction of a major highway in the 1960s that cut right through the neighborhood.

Today, the district’s main thoroughfare, Greenwood Avenue, cuts through the Tulsa campus of Oklahoma State University.

In 2001, an Oklahoma state commission to study the 1921 massacre delivered a fact-finding report meant to officially recognize the tragic event after decades of it being ignored by the local government. The commission determined that some form of reparations should be made to the massacre’s survivors and their descendants. However, a federal judge ruled against the commission’s calls for reparations in a 2004 ruling, and groups such as the Human Rights Watch are still calling on the government to offer some sort of reparations to the massacre’s survivors.

In 2010, the city dedicated a park, called the John Hope Franklin Reconciliation Park after an African-American historian from Tulsa, in the memory of the victims of the 1921 Tulsa massacre. This week, the federal government recognized the park as an official member of the African American Civil Rights Network.

In 2018, local officials also dedicated a “Black Wall Street” mural painted on one side of the highway that now runs through the Greenwood District. And, local leaders worked to secure $25 million in funding for a renovation and expansion project at the Greenwood Cultural Center, a museum that offers educational programs about the district’s history, which is slated for completion in 2021 (in time for the 100th anniversary of the massacre).

The Black Wall Street Mural stands in the Greenwood District of Tulsa Oklahoma, U.S., on Friday, June 19, 2020. Greenwood, known as Black Wall Street, was one of the most prosperous African-American enclaves in the U.S. before the slaughter of its citizens. Today, a mere handful of Black-owned businesses operate on its single remaining block.The Black Wall Street Mural stands in the Greenwood District of Tulsa Oklahoma, U.S., on Friday, June 19, 2020. Greenwood, known as Black Wall Street, was one of the most prosperous African-American enclaves in the U.S. before the slaughter of its citizens. Today, a mere handful of Black-owned businesses operate on its single remaining block.
Christopher Creese | Bloomberg via Getty Images

Meanwhile, in 2020, further efforts remain underway to restore the area once known as “Black Wall Street,” including a GoFundMe campaign from the Greenwood Chamber of Commerce that seeks to raise up to $10 million to restore and rebuild the district. And, in March, multiple community organizations worked together to restore the Tulsa home of 105-year-old Lessie Benningfield Randle, who is one of the few remaining survivors of the 1921 Tulsa Massacre.

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July 5, 2020

Why We’re Capitalizing Black! The Times has changed its style on the term’s usage to better reflect a shared cultural identity. Here’s what led to that decision.

.The New York Times By Nancy Coleman July 5, 2020, 5:00 a.m. ET

Times Insider explains who we are and what we do, and delivers behind-the-scenes insights into how our journalism comes together. The last time The New York Times made a sweeping call to capitalize how it referred to people of African ancestry was nearly a century ago. W.E.B. Du Bois had started a letter-writing campaign asking publications, including The Times, to capitalize the N in Negro, a term long since eradicated from The Times’s pages. “The use of a small letter for the name of twelve million Americans and two hundred million human beings,” he once wrote, was “a personal insult.” The Times turned him down in 1926 before coming around in 1930, when the paper wrote that the new entry in its stylebook — its internal guide on grammar and usage — was “not merely a typographical change,” but “an act in recognition of racial self-respect.” Decades later, a monthlong internal discussion at The Times led the paper on Tuesday to make, for similar reasons, its latest style change on race — capitalizing Black when describing people and cultures of African origin. “We believe this style best conveys elements of shared history and identity, and reflects our goal to be respectful of all the people and communities we cover,” said Dean Baquet, The Times’s executive editor, and Phil Corbett, associate managing editor for standards, in a memo to staff. Conversations about the change began in earnest at The Times and elsewhere after the death of George Floyd and subsequent protests, said Mike Abrams, senior editor for editing standards. Several major news media organizations have made the same call including The Associated Press, whose stylebook has long been an influential guide for news organizations. “It seems like such a minor change, black versus Black,” The Times’s National editor, Marc Lacey, said. “But for many people the capitalization of that one letter is the difference between a color and a culture.” As tensions rose across the country, Mr. Abrams noticed members of the newsroom raising questions about the capital B and sharing articles on the subject in Slack, the workplace chat platform. He talked with editors at other publications, including The A.P. and The Washington Post, about conversations happening in their newsrooms. And he talked with Times staff members: more than 100 of them, by phone, email and Slack. “The lowercase B in Black has never made sense to me as a Black woman, and it didn’t make sense to me as a Black girl,” said Destinée-Charisse Royal, a senior staff editor in the Graphics department and one of the editors consulted on the change. “My thought was that the capital B makes sense as it describes a race, a cultural group, and that is very different from a color in a box of crayons.” The style change is one of dozens of other updates or additions that have been made to The Times’s usage guide this year, Mr. Abrams said. The decisions can take anywhere from hours to months. Suggestions for changes are typically submitted by staff through email or an online form, filtered into a spreadsheet and parsed each month by the Standards team. New entries, intentionally, can often lag behind the most current language. Ms. Royal likened new style guidance to new dictionary entries: The Times adds words once people are already widely using them, not before. “We don’t treat the stylebook as an instrument of activism; we don’t view it as at the vanguard of language,” Mr. Abrams said. “We generally want the stylebook to reflect common usage.” Most updates don’t require much input or approval from other editors, but on sensitive issues, he said, particularly those that reach every corner of Times coverage, a range of perspectives is vital. “Some have been pushing for this change for years,” Mr. Lacey said. “They consider Black like Latino and Asian and Native American, all of which are capitalized. Others see the change as a distraction from more important issues. Then there are those troubled that our policy will now capitalize ‘Black’ but not ‘white.’ Over all, the view was that there was a growing agreement in the country to capitalize and that The Times should not be a holdout.” Before the style change, Ms. Royal said, some writers might have been inclined to use African-American — the only uppercase option, and still acceptable per the Times stylebook — even when Black might have been more accurate. “Because of the history of Black people in this country, most of us do not have a specific African nation to link our ancestry back to,” she said. “Broadly speaking, when you are looking at a group of people of African ancestry in the United States, you do not know if they identify as African-American. You do not know if they were born in, say, Ghana or if they were born in the Bronx like I was.” But specificity is always preferred when possible, Mr. Abrams said — that is, when race is mentioned at all. Times policy advises reporters to cite a person’s race only if it’s pertinent to an article, and in those situations, reporters must explain why. The Times also looked at whether to capitalize white and brown in reference to race, but both will remain lowercase. Brown has generally been used to describe a wide range of cultures, Mr. Baquet and Mr. Corbett said in their memo to staff. As a result, its meaning can be unclear to readers; white doesn’t represent a shared culture and history in the way Black does, and also has long been capitalized by hate groups. “To be parallel does make sense usage-wise when talking about grammar and usage, but we can never just go on these sorts of standards,” Ms. Royal said. “Language doesn’t work that way. You have to consider the other factors.” ADVERTISEMENT Continue reading the main story Site Index Site Information Navigation © 2020 The New York Times Company NYTCoContact UsWork with usAdvertiseT Brand StudioYour Ad ChoicesPrivacyTerms of ServiceTerms of SaleSite MapHelpSubscriptions

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July 5, 2020



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