Posts Tagged ‘BLACK BOYS’

BLACK PEOPLE !—SELMA MARCH 50 YEARS LATER!-BLACK PEOPLE MUST STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM NOW!-FROM THE GUARDIAN NEWSPAPER,LONDON,UK

March 9, 2015

FROM THE GUARDIAN NEWSPAPER,LONDON,UK
The Guardian Winner of the Pulitzer prize

Bloody Sunday veterans in Selma, Alabama, 50 years on – video

Edmund Pettus bridge, Selma

OBAMA,MICHELLE,BUSH ATI WIFE AT SELMA MARCH

OBAMA,MICHELLE,BUSH ATI WIFE AT SELMA MARCH

Brown-Chapel-African-Meth-013Selma-Commemorates-50th-A-012

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Selma 50th anniversary
Bloody Sunday veterans in Selma, Alabama, 50 years on – video
“>https://embed.theguardian.com/embed/video/us-news/video/2015/mar/09/bloody-sunday-veterans-selma-alabama-video
In 1965, sheriff deputies attacked non-violent civil rights protesters in Selma, Alabama, sparking nationwide outrage. Now known as Bloody Sunday, the event was pivotal in the struggle to secure African American voting rights. To mark the 50th anniversary of the attack, thousands of supporters, local Selma residents and President Barack Obama poured into the small Alabama city this past weekend to remember the historic events

Mae Ryan, Source: Guardian

BLACK SELF-DEFENSE! -MARCUS GARVEY,MALCOLM X SAID IT!-BLACKS FIGHT BACK!-FROM SLATE.COM

March 9, 2015

from slate.com

In 1919, white Americans visited awful violence on black Americans. So black Americans decided to fight back.

Red Summer

African-Americans gathered on street corners in the riot zone to share news and to form self-defense forces.

Men outside of the office of black Chicago businessman Jesse Binga, summer of 1919. “During Chicago’s riot,” writes David Krugler, “African-Americans gathered on street corners in the riot zone to share news and to form self-defense forces.”

Photo by Jun Fujita. Courtesy of the Chicago History Museum (ICHi-65481).

In Longview, Texas, in July 1919, S.L. Jones, who was a teacher and a local distributor of the black newspaper the Chicago Defender, investigated the suspicious death of Lemuel Walters. Walters was a black man who was accused of raping a white woman, jailed, and ultimately found dead under “mysterious” circumstances. When the Defender published a story about Walters’ death, asserting that the alleged rape had been a love affair and Walters’ death the result of a lynching, Jones came under attack, beaten by the woman’s brothers.

Rebecca Onion Rebecca Onion

Rebecca OnionSlate’s history writer, also runs the site’s history blog, The Vault. Follow her on Twitter.

Hearing a rumor that Jones was in trouble, Dr. C.P. Davis, a black physician and friend of the teacher, tried to get law enforcement to protect him from further violence. When it became clear that this help was not forthcoming, Davis organized two-dozen black volunteers to guard Jones’ house. That same night, a mob surrounded the dwelling. Four armed white men knocked on the door, then tried to ram it down. The black defenders, who were arranged around Jones’ property, opened fire. A half-hour gun battle ensued, in which several attackers were wounded; the posse retreated.

Hearing the town’s fire bell ringing to summon reinforcements, Jones and Davis went into hiding, knowing that they wouldn’t be able to defend themselves against a larger mob. Davis borrowed a soldier’s uniform, put it on, and took the first of several trains out of the area. At one point, he asked a group of black soldiers he found in a train car to conceal him in their ranks, which they did, contributing to his disguise by giving him an overseas cap and a gas mask. Later that day, Jones also managed to escape. But their successful resistance and flight were bittersweet victories: Before the episode was over, Davis’ and Jones’ homes were burned, along with Davis’ medical practice and the meeting place of the town’s Negro Business Men’s League. Davis’ father-in-law was killed in the violence.

In his new book, 1919, The Year of Racial Violence: How African Americans Fought Back, David F. Krugler, professor of history at the University of Wisconsin–Platteville, looks at the actions of people like Jones and Davis, who resisted white incursions against the black community through the press, the courts, and armed defensive action. The year 1919 was a notable one for racial violence, with major episodes of unrest in Chicago; Washington; and Elaine, Arkansas, and many smaller clashes in both the North and the South. (James Weldon Johnson, then the field secretary of the NAACP, called this time of violence the “Red Summer.”) White mobs killed 77 black Americans, including 11 demobilized servicemen (according to the NAACP’s magazine, the Crisis). The property damage to black businesses and homes—attacks on which betrayed white anxiety over new levels of black prosperity and social power—was immense.

The history of black responses to the violence of 1919—which ranged from the use of a single weapon against a home invader, to the organization of defensive posses like Davis’ that were meant to protect potential victims of lynching, to the deployment of groups of men who patrolled city streets during unrest—makes it clear that armed self-defense, far from being an invention of Malcolm X and the Black Power movement, is a strategy with deep roots. As we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the civil rights movement, the story of nonviolence—a beautiful strategy with uncontestable moral force—has taken center stage. However the story of active self-defense against violence—a tradition that developed before, and then alongside, nonviolent resistance—is too often dismissed or simply ignored. Even before slavery had been outlawed, black Americans took up arms when their lives and livelihoods were threatened. Their experiences make the familiar history of marches and peaceful protest more complex. But the story of the civil rights struggle is incomplete without them.

Why was there a spike in violence in 1919? Krugler argues that black service members’ experience in World War I was one of the catalysts. In many places, demobilized black veterans, having fought for their country, had a diminished tolerance for racial discrimination—and their families, having sacrificed on the homefront, felt the same way. Meanwhile, white civilians resented what they perceived as an excess of pride (what an Army captain, registering his concern with the Military Intelligence Division, called “social aspirations”) in those who had served. Servicemen were allowed to wear their uniforms for three months after being “demobbed.” Georgian Wilbur Little was lynched in April 1919, reportedly for the sin of wearing his after the cutoff date—a crime that suggests how much the vision of black men in uniform threatened the racial regime.

The black community’s defensive actions in response to racial violence were also shaped by the war. Veterans took the initiative in armed self-defense, using their combat experience and knowledge of tactics and organization. But communities around them—many of whom had worked for the war effort in civilian capacities—were also energized by their wartime experiences and by the presence of the returned service members. (C.P. Davis and S.L. Jones were not veterans, but they were affected by the prevailing climate nonetheless. Davis’ escape took advantage of the cover provided by his borrowed uniform and relied on solidarity from black soldiers who were willing to vouch for him.)

Meanwhile, writers and journalists in the black press—some of whom had served—turned out prose that was increasingly bold, calling for armament and self-defense, and shaping the image of what came to be called the New Negro. That year, poet Claude McKay published his sonnet “If We Must Die” in the socialist magazine the Liberator:

Though far outnumbered let us show us brave,

And for their thousand blows deal one death-blow!

What though before us lies the open grave?

Like men we’ll face the murderous, cowardly pack,

Pressed to the wall, dying, but fighting back!

Activists followed these calls for resistance with attempts to work within the legal system to defend those who fought back. After each episode of violence, the NAACP took new legal initiative in prosecuting white rioters and representing black people who had acted to defend themselves. Sometimes, as in the aftermath of the violence in Longview, Texas, NAACP lawyers were able to get prisoners who had been found with weapons released by arguing that their actions were taken in self-defense. These legal victories—though somewhat diminished by the difficulty lawyers had in landing convictions of white rioters—were nonetheless significant.

While there is a notable cluster of examples of black communities fighting back in the racial conflicts of 1919, the history of armed self-defense goes back even further. Law professor Nicholas Johnson points to fugitive slaves who armed themselves against slave-catchers as some of the earliest examples of the practice. In another dark period of racial violence at the end of the 19th century, Ida B. Wells-Barnett, a journalist and investigator of lynching, advocated “boycott, emigration, and the press” as weapons against white aggression, outlining the rationale in her 1892 pamphlet Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases. When those peaceful strategies failed, Wells-Barnett thought a more active strategy was the answer, observing: “The only times an Afro-American who was assaulted got away has been when he had a gun and used it in self-defense.” For this reason, she wrote, “[A] Winchester rifle should have a place of honor in every black home, and it should be used for that protection which the law refuses to give.”

Some citizens caught up in racial violence at the turn of the 20th century shared Wells-Barnett’s philosophy. Krugler cites instances of self-defense in turn-of-the-century racial strife in Wilmington, North Carolina, in 1898; Evansville, Indiana, in 1903; Atlanta in 1906; and Springfield, Illinois, in 1908. In Evansville, Krugler writes, “[A]pproximately thirty black men assembled to drive away white vigilantes attempting to break into the county jail to lynch a black prisoner.” In Springfield, “[B]lack snipers fired on white rioters from a saloon window, and twelve armed black men formed a patrol and fired on members of a mob leaving the site of one attack.”

Members of a white mob run with bricks in hand, during the Chicago race riot of July and August, 1919.
Members of a white mob run with bricks in hand during the Chicago race riot of July and August 1919.

Photo by Jun Fujita. Courtesy of the Chicago History Museum (ICHi-65495).

In his research on the unrest of 1919, Krugler found evidence of self-defense that was both highly coordinated and ad hoc. “In Chicago,” he told me, “we have examples of individual stockyard workers who go to work, are attacked, and turn and fight. That’s not premeditated; that’s a human response to a life-threatening danger and risk—but it still counts as self-defense.” Also during the unrest in Chicago, “The veterans of the 8th Regiment put on their uniforms, found weapons, and took to the streets to try to stop the mob violence”—a preplanned action that took advantage of their military training and status in the community.

One of the problems with writing a history of armed self-defense during episodes of racial violence lies in establishing what actually happened. The events are obscured by the motivations of the authors of many of the historical sources, as well as the simple fog of war—these conflicts were complex events unfolding, in some cases, over many city blocks. Krugler triangulates between sources, looking at black and white newspapers, records of the tribunals held after some of the riots, and the reports of investigators from the Military Intelligence Division and the Bureau of Investigation (as the FBI was called in its first two decades of operation).

Comparing-and-contrasting these sources, as Krugler does in a section on the Chicago unrest called “The Fictional Riot,” shows how self-defense could look very different depending on the point of view of the witness. The soldiers from the 8th Regiment, who, black onlookers reported, instilled a sense of calm in the community merely by their presence, showed up very differently in the Chicago Daily News’ coverage. One detachment of veterans was described as “a group of twelve discharged negro soldiers, all armed,” who had “terrorized small groups of whites in various parts of the south side all afternoon.” The Herald-Examiner reported that several thousand decommissioned members of the 8th Regiment had stormed the regiment’s armory, wounding more than 50 people as they seized weapons. “Black Chicagoans, menaced by gangs and mistreated by the police, now [confronted] a white-written narrative about the riot that cast them as the wrongdoers,” Krugler writes. This was one of the drawbacks of self-defense, which, in a racist society, put those who resisted in perilous positions, vulnerable to further violence and legal prosecution.

BLACK LYNCHING IN 2014,NORTH CAROLINA !-BLACK BOY DATED A WHITE WOMAN AND GOT LYNCHED FOR IT!-FROM HUFFPOST’S THE BLOG ATI IACENTER.ORG

February 10, 2015

FROM YEYEOLADE.BLOGSPOT.COM

THE BLOGFeaturing fresh takes and real-time analysis from HuffPost’s signature lineup of contributors

Michael W. Waters Headshot

The Life and Death of Lennon Lacy: Strange, Still

Posted: 02/08/2015 11:03 am EST Updated: 02/08/2015 11:59 am EST
LENNON LACY

The animus for Time Magazine’s “song of the 20th century” was a photograph of a Southern lynching. A Southern lynching would often draw an entire region of spectators together for a day of socializing. Small children were even present in the crowd, lifted high upon shoulder for an uninterrupted view of the day’s fatal proceedings. It was a strange, albeit frequent Southern spectacle, one that claimed many Black lives.

Given the frequency of this horrid practice, and the abundance of lynching photographs in circulation, many that doubled as postcards, it is unclear why one particular photograph troubled, then inspired Abel Meeropol, a New York English teacher and poet. Yet, it did. Unable to free his mind of this troubling image over several days, Meeropol sought consolation through his pen. As ink dried upon its canvas, its residuum formed words that have haunted generations, words etched into our collective memory as lyric by the incomparable Billie Holiday:

“Southern trees bear a strange fruit,
Blood on the leaves and blood at the root,
Black body swinging in the Southern breeze,
Strange fruit hanging from the poplar trees.”

Now seventy-six years removed its initial recording, there is still cause to sing this sorrowful song.

On August 29, 2014, another Black body was added to the crowded annals of those swung by Southern breeze. In a cruel twist of irony, the body of seventeen year-old Lennon Lacy was not found swinging upon a Southern tree, but upon a Southern swing set – a fact only beginning the strangeness surrounding his death. Authorities in Bladenboro, North Carolina, abruptly ruled Lennon’s death a suicide, declaring that he was depressed, and closed the case in five days.

Still, many questions remain.

Why did authorities fail to place bags over Lennon’s hands to prevent contamination and preserve DNA from a possible struggle?

Why didn’t authorities take any pictures at the scene of Lennon’s death?

Why were the shoes found on Lennon’s feet not the same shoes that he departed from home wearing?

Why were the shoes found on Lennon’s feet a size and a half smaller than his foot size?

Why were those same shoes removed from the body bag between the time his corpse was placed in the body bag and the time the body arrived at the medical examiner’s office?

Strange.

Very strange.

Strange, still, is an independent examiner’s conclusion that declaring Lennon’s death a suicide is virtually impossible given Lennon’s height, weight, and the items found at the scene.

The circumstances surrounding Lennon’s death, however, begin to lose some of its strangeness when the fact that he was in an interracial relationship with a white woman in an area still ripe with racial tension, and where the Ku Klux Klan has an active presence, is brought to the fore. History has taught us time and time again that when authorities move too quickly to close a case, a cover-up is afoot. With so many questions surrounding Lennon’s death, the move to close his case remains startlingly strange, and it is cause for great concern. Thankfully, the FBI is now investigating the case.

Strange, still, is how justice for so many Black lives remains so fleeting.

Strange, still, is how swiftly certain tragedies that befall Black lives are swept under the rug.

Strange, still, is the spectacle of a Southern lynching upon a swing set, a symbol of youthful euphoria now rendered the site of a Black youth’s strangulation. Of Meeropol and Holiday’s “Strange Fruit,” the late jazz writer Leonard Feather penned that it was “the first significant protest in words and music, the first unmuted cry against racism.” The very nature of a lynching is to render the victim forever mute — asphyxiating in suspended space — the violent snapping of the neck. While Lennon Lacy is forever muted, we who love justice must become for him as Meeropol and Holiday: an unmuted cry.

We must continue to pen Lennon’s story.

We must continue to sing Lennon’s song.

We must continue to seek answers to strange circumstances.

We must continue to seek justice for another Black life, a life, strangely, still, gone too soon.

This post is part of the “28 Black Lives That Matter” series produced by The Huffington Post for Black History Month. Each day in February, this series will shine a spotlight on one African-American individual who made headlines in 2014 — mostly in circumstances we all wished had not taken place. This series will pay tribute to these individuals and address the underlying circumstances that led to their unfortunate outcomes. To follow the conversation on Twitter, view #28BlackLives — and to see all the posts as part of our Black History Month coverage, read here.

MALCOLM X ON IMMITATION NEGROES WANTING TO BE WHITE!-FROM JARAAD ABDALLA ON CONGRESS OF AFRICAN PEOPLE ON FACEBOOK!

February 2, 2015

JARRAD ABDALLA  ON CONGRES OF AFRICAN PEOPLE ON FACEBOOK

BLACK PEOPLE!–BLACK EGYPT!-FROM THE EYE OF ORION ATI STOP BLACK GENOCIDE NOW ON FACEBOOK

January 14, 2015

EGYPT

BLACK PEOPLE!—BLACK KILLINGS BY COPS-“FERGUSON JUROR SUES PROSECUTOR,SAYS EVIDENCE WAS MANIPULATED TO IMPLICATE MICHAEL BROWN!”–FROM THE ROOT.COME

January 6, 2015

FROM THE ROOT.COM

 ATI YEYEOLADE.BLOGSPOT.COM

WE MUST HAVE A BLACK STANDARD OF BEAUTY BASED ON THE BLACK SKINNED BLACKEST WOMAN

Tuesday, January 06, 2015

BLACK KILLINGS!- MICHAEL BROWN!- “FERGUSON JUROR SUES PROSECUTOR,SAYS EVIDENCE WAS MANIPULATED TO IMPLICATE MICHAEL BROWN!-FROM THE ROOT.COM

FROM THEROOT.COM

Ferguson Juror Sues Prosecutor, Says Evidence Was Manipulated to Implicate Michael Brown

The unnamed juror filed the lawsuit so that he or she will be able to speak publicly about the case and make clear that not every person on the grand jury wanted to see Officer Darren Wilson go free.

Posted: Jan. 5 2015 4:00 PM
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St. Louis County Prosecuting Attorney Robert McCulloch St. Louis Post-Dispatch/Getty Images
One of the jurors on the St. Louis County grand jury that decided not to indict then-Police Officer Darren Wilson in the fatal shooting of Michael Brown commissioned the American Civil Liberties Union to file a lawsuit to allow the juror to publicly discuss the proceedings. Specifically, the juror, who remains unnamed, wants to be able to discredit the claim that “all 12 jurors believed there was no support for any charges,” the Associated Press reports.
The lawsuit was filed against Robert McCulloch, the St. Louis County prosecutor who oversaw the grand jury proceedings. In the lawsuit, the juror described how McCulloch presented evidence in such a way that implicated Brown, an unarmed 18-year-old.
Brown, not Officer Wilson, the lawsuit argues, was fashioned as the instigator and “the wrongdoer.” The juror has “the impression that evidence was presented differently than in other cases,” AP explains.
Because Missouri grand jurors are not allowed to speak publicly about proceedings, the lawsuit argues that the Ferguson, Mo., case is “unique” and that lifting the gag order will allow the juror to contribute to the national discourse about race and law enforcement’s handling of the case.
Tony Rothert, an ACLU attorney, explained why he believes the gag order should be lifted. “The rules of secrecy must yield because this is a highly unusual circumstance,” Rothert said. “The First Amendment prevents the state from imposing a lifetime gag order in cases where the prosecuting attorney has purported to be transparent.”
Read more at ABC News.

BLACK AMERIKKKA!-COP KILLINGS!-THIS BROTHER BRIAN BROWNE NOW LIVING IN NIGERIA TELLS IT LIKE IT BLACK IS!-MICHAEL BROWN/ERIC GARNER-NO JUSTICE,NO PEACE!-FROM THE NATION NEWSPAPER,NIGERIA

December 30, 2014

from the nation newspaper,nigeria

Home » Brian Browne » A Nation that betrays its own
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Brown - Anti-NYPD protesters march through the Upper East Side of Manhattan with their hands up in solidarity with Michael Brown on New York City. Despite calls from New York City Mayor Bill de Blasi

A Nation that betrays its own

Law is the house that justice built but no longer occupies.

BULLED into deep complacency by the election of Barak Obama, the political conscience of Black America has finally begun to stir to life. Sadly, it took the daytime killings of Black men by White police officers to revive the community back to political life.

Protests have occurred in major cities throughout the nation. Black people have been jolted by the realization that their lives remain less valuable than they should be, than what they had been told to believe. They hoped racial discrimination had become a residual breach of the national contract on social equality. The painful lesson relearned is that Black Americans are disposable byproducts of a political economy with little need for most of them and one that affords diminishing living space for that beleaguered majority of Black America.

The killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson was one thing. The strangulation of Eric Garner in New York was quite another. In the Brown case, conflicting interpretations of that day’s events abounded. The shooter said one thing, Brown’s friend said another. Witness accounts varied on important points. Although the aggressor police officer’s testimony remains highly implausible, it cannot be ruled impossible. The possibility that he was being truthful is slight but the possibility nonetheless exists.

(In a telling postscript in the Brown case, a witness whose testimony was cited by the prosecutor has been discovered to be a mentally unbalanced racist. Moreover, this witness may not even have been at the scene when the shooting occurred. She has previously inserted herself in other cases, giving unreliable testimony. The prosecutor in Brown should have been aware of her flagrant history; yet, he still presented her to the grand jury without informing them of her habit of bearing false witness. For this alone, the prosecutor should be investigated for professional misconduct.)

The cloud of factual discrepancy and differing versions of the fatal encounter do not haunt the Garner case.  What haunts that case is the episode was videoed for the world to see. Yet, the picture made no difference to the New York prosecutor and the grand jury he selected. Normally, a picture is worth a thousand words. This video encapsulated more than a thousand words. It showed all that is wrong in the racial history of the nation claiming to be the world’s finest democracy. As long as the legal system affirms killings like Garner’s, the claimed greatness of the American political economy is as true as it is false.

Mr. Garner was a large, burly Black man living in New York City. Estranged from the world of prosperity and steady employment, the man did what millions of city dwellers across the nation do. He street-hustled. Among his money-making ventures, the man would at times buy packs of cigarettes then resell individual cigarettes to people. The area was a poor neighborhood where many people could not afford an entire pack; they would muster coins for one or two cigarettes at a time. Garner was doing no harm; that same day, he even helped resolve an altercation. However, his street hustle was illegal because all cigarette sales are to be taxed.

The day of the encounter, Garner may not even have been selling the loose cigarettes. Had he been guilty of such sales that day, his transgression was de minimis. A loose cigarette probably sold for no more than a dollar each.  The city tax on the tobacco sales is 10 percent. Had he sold five cigarettes, he owed the city 50 cents (90 kobo) in taxes. For this small indiscretion, a swarm of police officers descended on him like a small army corralling a thief who had pinched the national treasury and the crown jewels.

Gardner had no chance. While a number of officers pinned him to the ground, one officer administered a choke hold unauthorized by the police department that hired him. Adding indignity to impending death, another officer placed his hands on Garner’s head, using his full weight to press the man’s face into the hard, cruel New York City pavement. The man pleaded roughly a dozen times that he could not breathe. A dozen times, his uniformed assailants ignored the desperate alarm. His last moments on earth were with his face pressed to the ground that he might take in the foulness and grime of the urban sidewalk as his life’s breath was slowly stolen from him by those hired to protect him.

As he lay dying, no officer sought to revive him. They walked around his body nonchalantly as if walking around an animal struck by a passing car. There was no urgency in their actions, no remorse on their faces. They felt they had done their job. What they had done to Garner was so disproportionate to his alleged wrong; no logical excuse can be assayed for this ending. At most, they should have given Garner a citation as they do any traffic offender or errant merchant. The reason for lethally attacking him for less than a dollar remains cloaked in racism.

The coroner properly ruled the outrageous death a homicide. Yet, the grand jury and prosecutor thought otherwise. Upon seeing video, they did not see Garner as a human being. All they saw was black and his blackness obscured any sight and sense of justice they might have otherwise known.

Had Garner lived during slavery, he would still be alive.  The law enforcement officers would have been more careful with him because he would have been the property of a White man. They would have acted with due care in returning the valued property to his owner. He would have been tussled a bit but not executed. Strange how the worth of a Black man’s life is not established by the mere fact of being a human being. It is established by how closely associated he is to White society. To exist outside the social mainstream, makes a Black man a dreaded superfluity, a victim transmuted into the villain in his own execution. Police men who kill him will be excused because they serve a function in society. While you, the Black man, do not.

Garner and Brown have not been the only casualties of this dynamic.  The average White racist feels the nation is slipping from their control due to Obama’s presidency and to demographic changes that see Blacks and Latinos becoming larger percentages of the overall population. Perceived change prompts a backlash. The average racist joins the Tea Party or sends anonymous cant to rightwing blogs. Those racists in blue police uniforms are more apt to pull the trigger when the face on the wrong end of the barrel is Black or Brown.

In Ohio, a Black man, walking in a store while holding a non-lethal pellet rifle, was gun downed by police with no reasonable warning. Ohio law allows people to openly carry lethal weapons.  Thus, the man committed no crime. Yet, he was killed and the offending police officers were given no reprimand. It boggles the mind and makes a farce of justice when an innocent man can be executed and those who committed the misdeed are exonerated. He did no wrong yet he is gone. They wronged him yet they suffer not even minor sanction. When such partiality occurs in a foreign nation, America criticizes and writes annual reports condemning it. When it happens in America, the power establishment protects if not celebrates the transgression as a necessary function of law and order. In the process, justice is disinherited.

Protests against these attacked were organized in major cities throughout the nation.  Had this been the summer and not the advent of winter, more people would have been taken to the streets in a greater number of cities.  The best aspect of this wave of protests is that they were organized by grassroots activists and not the normal servitors who inhabit the Black establishment.  The youthful organizers’ first plank is to halt the street executions by the police.  But they will not stop there. They will see that defending the right to life is insufficient in itself.  That is where the Civil Rights Movement left off.

Today’s protesters hopefully will assume the mantle of true leadership the current Black Establishment now deploys for their narrow elitist interests. These new leaders will discover the incompleteness in securing the right to life if unaccompanied by demanding the right to live not merely survive on the social periphery. They will demand jobs, education, economic reform and justice. This will attract a backlash much as the Civil Rights Movement did. The most vocal segment of the backlash will be the right-wing conservatives. The most dangerous element of that backlash will be the falsely liberal establishment.

That establishment has given their Black surrogates marching orders to stop the genuine young leaders from organizing more people’s marches. The Black establishment did not need to be given the directive.  They already felt the heat. They realized their positions were placed in jeopardy. No one was bounded by quandary more than President Obama. If Black people started to display independent action, his job would be on the line.  No, not the White House job. Whether for good or bad, his mark there has mostly been made.

The position jeopardized by the young Black leaders is the post-White House sinecure the establishment has designed for him – that of the unofficial leader of Black America. For the past six years, he had proven his worth by keeping Black activism in deep freeze despite the  hardtack policies he has initialed resulting in the deterioration of community institutions, particularly Black universities, and a growing disparity between average Black and White per capita wealth and income. During the Obama years, the Black community has been weakened willfully by establishment policy and practice. The establishment hired Obama to smile and pontificate his people all the way to the poor house. He was doing an excellent job of it until the unruly police began to exhibit a deadly overt racism that would cause the somnambulant Black community to awaken. Obama’s slickness was undone by the gratuitous violence of the new praetorians.

A delicious twist of irony is in the making. Black political consciousness may reawaken under the very watch of a man endorsed by the establishment to keep the Black community politically dormant. Sensing things were going awry, Obama went into gear. He sent fellow Black elitist, Attorney General Eric Holder, to Ferguson to express concern in hope that a tactful display of implied solidarity would keep the natives from turning restless.  Holder announced his feckless Justice Department would investigate the Ferguson Police Department as a way to soothe community anger. The people realized this Justice Department has a nose for privilege and not a resilient sternum when it comes to protecting the weak and under from the rich and powerful above. Holder’s Justice Department refused to prosecute Wall Street for the visible criminality resulting in the 2008 financial crisis and will not take account of those who tortured and terrorized detainees in the alleged war against terror. That same department will not reform the police.

It is part of the same federal government that militarized the police by providing the surplus military equipment that has transformed local law enforcement into a paramilitary agency unsuitable for democratic society.

The protests continued. Then the First Couple took to the media to demonstrate their blackness by citing they had been victims of racism because they had been ignored by taxi drivers or mistaken as store clerks by White shoppers. If these trite remarks were supposed to evoke a sense of solidarity with the average Black, they missed the mark. If this is all the Obamas have experienced, no wonder they are out of touch. They should consider themselves fortunate, then open a listening ear that they may learn the realities of the everyday lives of everyday people. (In part, they cited these inanities so as not to offend their White sponsors. If the President testifies that racism is limited to such innocuous inconveniences, it means that racism did not cause dire condition of the Black community.)

Raising these trivial incidents insults the millions of Black men and women who have felt the heavy intimidation and have been scarred by the instruments of this unjust system. The bones of thousands of Black men lie in the woods, swamps and along the back roads of the south. So many of us have been stopped along isolate stretches of road by policemen with their hands twitching at their holsters or brandishing their billy clubs, waiting and wanting to draw their pistol or swing that club. As rivulets of sweat swim down your back, you tell yourself to be still and don’t move, no matter the provocation or meanness of the man. They await merely one odd movement or angry word and they will pounce. You will be found guilty of causing the assault against you.

When their trite examples did not work, Obama summoned a white House meeting of the young activists. His advice was to take it slowly as change comes gradually. This advice was not commended by any true interpretation of history. Change may come slowly but those who succeed in bringing reform rarely seek it piecemeal. They ask for the whole thing then take as much as they can get. The young activists should have retorted that, since the bullets did not kill Brown gradually and the stranglehold did not gradually asphyxiate Garner, they see no reason why their pursuit of justice should march gradually.

Next, Obama deployed mercenary cleric Al Sharpton to confuse and sidetrack the grassroots movement by holding a march on Washington of his own. During the Obama presidency, Sharpton has visited the White House an extraordinary 60 times. He has become Obama’s man Friday just as Obama is Wall Street’s man Friday. Sharpton is the servant of the servant. However, this tack did not work well either. The people are on to Sharpton. They know he has been an FBI informant, ratting on other Black leaders. He may still be. He refused to allow activists from Ferguson a place in his orchestrated rally. He feared they might say something incendiary or anti-Obama. The crowd began to shout him down.  Eventually, some activists managed to seize the microphone and speak their piece.

Establishment backlash against the protests went into full gear when a mentally unstable Black man killed two police officers in New York, afterward killing himself. The New York Mayor called for protests to be suspended until the burial of the fallen officers. Former Mayor Giuliani criticized Black leaders for inciting hate. Police officials declared that their department had gone on “war footing.” To that declaration, most Black men would respond, “That is nothing new. You have always been on war footing against us.”

The murder of the two police officers is a tragedy but no greater than the killing of Brown, Gardner and others.  The protests did not lead to the officer’s death. The proximate cause of the officers’ demise was that police nationwide had been too lethal. When a White supremacist executed two police officers earlier this year and draped the corpses in racist flags, the establishment did not rail that White supremacists should disband their racist campaign and organizations. Police officials did not assert they needed to be on war footing against White hate groups. White establishment politicians said little or nothing about this episode. Now that a Black assailant is involved, they shout to the rafters and quake with self-righteous indignation. It is all part of the ploy to keep Blacks in a lowly place.

The protesters smartly refused to stop demonstrating. To do so would have been a wrongful, coerced admission that their actions prompted the killings of the officers. What they should do is expand the scope of the protests. While protesting police brutality, they should also advocate tighter gun control so that unstable people cannot get easy access to weapons. The spirit of the expanded protests would be that neither the police nor the populace needs to be on war footing. Both should take intelligent steps toward peace.

Finally, perhaps the Black community is awakening. Theirs must be a dual arising. First, they must come to grips with the fact that the current ways of the political economy work against them. Second, they must realize that the established Black leadership is wedded to the current ways of the political economy. The people must seek reform as well as reject those who claim to be their leaders. Perhaps, just perhaps, the son of the Civil Rights Movement is being born out of the deaths of Brown and Garner.

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BLACK PEOPLE!-FARRAKHAN ON FERGUSON ATI ADDRESSES OBAMA TOO!-FROM NATHAN HARE ON FACEBOOK ATI YOUTUBE.CO

December 15, 2014

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FARRAKHAN

On Ferguson: Farrakhan warns Black leaders, speaks to Obama!

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Published on Nov 24, 2014

Minister Louis Farrakhan commented on the situation in Ferguson, Mo. His comments were part of his keynote address at the Black United Summit International Conf. at Morgan State University, Baltimore, MD., on Nov. 22, 2014 – Full Video @ http://NOI.org/webcast-archive

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BLACK LIVES MATTER!-BLACK PEOPLE!- THOUSANDS MARCH IN NEW YORK AGAINST POLICE KILLINGS-FROM HUFFINGTONPOST.COM

December 14, 2014

from huffingtonpost.com

Tens Of Thousands March On NYPD Headquarters To Protest Police Killings

Posted: 12/13/2014 3:23 pm EST Updated: 11 minutes ago

Tens of thousands of protesters streamed out of New York City’s Washington Square Park on Saturday to protest the killings of unarmed black people by police officers, as part of the “Millions March NYC.

The crowd began to wind its way through Manhattan. A large labor union contingent was present, including members of the Communications Workers of America wearing red shirts and AFL-CIO supporters waving blue signs.

In contrast to other marches over the past weeks, this large, orderly demonstration took place during the day. A number of families with children took part, and demonstrators followed a pre-planned route. The march made its way uptown to Herald Square, then looped back downtown, with thunderous chants of “Hands up! Don’t shoot!” and “Justice! Now!” echoing down Broadway. The demonstration culminated at One Police Plaza, the New York City Police Department’s Lower Manhattan headquarters.

Organizers estimated that 30,000 demonstrators participated in the march. The NYPD told The Huffington Post that, as of the official end of the march, no arrests had been made.

Protesters held up 8 panels depicting Eric Garner’s eyes, created by an artist known as JR. “The eyes were chosen as the most important part of the face,” said Tony Herbas of Bushwick, an assistant to the artist.

garner eyes

Ron Davis, whose son Jordan was shot dead by a man in Florida after an argument over loud music, was at the head of the march.

“We have to make everybody accountable,” Davis told HuffPost. “You can’t continue to see videos of chokeholds, videos of kids getting shot in the back, and say it’s all right. We have to make sure we have an independent investigator investigate these crimes that police carry out.”

Michael Dunn, the man who killed Jordan, was convicted of first-degree murder and sentenced to life without parole in October. Davis said Saturday that Dunn’s conviction proves it’s possible that justice can be served in racially charged cases.

“We ended up getting a historic movement in Jacksonville,” Davis said. “We had an almost all-white jury, with seven white men, convict a white man for shooting down an unarmed boy of color.”

black lives matter

Also at the front of the march were New York City Councilman Ydanis Rodriguez and New York state Assemblyman-elect Charles Barron.

Matthew Brown, a 19-year-old who is African-American and Hispanic, marched down Broadway with his mother, aunt and other family members.

“I’m trying to support a movement that really needs young people like myself,” said Brown. “I’m here to speak for Mike Brown.”

The teenager said part of his motivation for making the trek from West Orange, New Jersey, with his family was his own personal experience. He’s encountered racist verbal abuse from police in Jersey City, he said, who have called him “spic” and monkey.”

Citing the cases of Michael Brown, Eric Garner and Tamir Rice, Brown said part of the reason he wanted to speak out was because of the way police represent encounters with African-Americans. “I just see so many lies after lies.”

He also attended the People’s Climate March in September. But this march felt more intense to him. “This is one that’s really affecting people on a deep, emotional level,” Brown said.

Krystal Martinez, a 23-year-old schoolteacher, said she attended the march to send a simple message: “I don’t want my students’ names chanted at any of these events.”

krystal martinez

Because she teaches at a charter school that serves students from Bedford-Stuyvesant and Crown Heights, Martinez said, she was painfully aware of the challenges black youth face in interactions with police.

Martinez, a Harlem resident, pointed to a sign held by a colleague with a quote from a 13-year-old girl who had been stopped by police: “The first time I was stopped and frisked I was so scared I didn’t leave my house for a week.”

“Eighty-five percent of my students are black and this is their lives,” Martinez said, emphasizing that she spoke for herself and not her school. “I’m out here because of my kids.”

Some protesters arrived with concrete policy proposals. Marcia Dupree, a homecare supervisor, came bearing a sign that read, “We must change the law … no grand jury!!!”

“The root of the problem,” Dupree said, was the closeness between grand juries and police. In the wake of two grand juries’ decisions not to indict officers in the Michael Brown and Eric Garner deaths, the idea of abolishing the institution has gotten a lot of attention from both the media and policymakers, including the chairman of Missouri’s Legislative Black Caucus.

Dupree added that she’d never really considered herself much of an activist before. Serving on the board of her local library in Mount Vernon, New York, was “as political as I got.” But she said she has been moved to protest out of concern for her 13-year-old daughter — who was marching in crutches by her side — and her 21-year-old son.

“I feel like I need to stand up,” said Dupree. “It could be my son.”

marcia dupree

At times, the march blurred surreally with Santacon — the sloshy daytime celebration of Christmas (and drinking) that New Yorkers hate on every year.

A number of Santacon participants joined the march. Others were less enthusiastic. “I love cops, seriously,” one man in a Santa cap told an impassive officer. “I hate these people.” Then he walked off with his fellow revelers.

santa

Saturday’s day of action came in response to two separate grand jury decisions not to indict police officers for killing unarmed black men. On Nov. 24, a St. Louis County grand jury voted not to indict Police Officer Darren Wilson, who fatally shot Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. Less than two weeks later, a Staten Island grand jury declined to indict Officer Daniel Pantaleo, who killed Eric Garner by putting him in a chokehold.

Brown’s death on Aug. 9 triggered months of protests in Ferguson against police killings — protests that have since spread nationwide.

One group of marchers turned into a street protest choir, singing, “We’re not gonna stop, until people are free.”

Beneva Davies, a 23-year-old Harlem resident who lent her voice to the group, said the most singing she usually does is in the shower.

“It’s not really about your voice,” Davies said. “It’s about your voice, right?”

Davies’s family hails from Sierra Leone and Ghana, and she grew up in Massachusetts. Sometimes, she says, she sees a “disconnect” between recent African immigrants and the African-American descendants of slaves.

But she tries to push back against that disconnect, she said, because “at end of the day it’s what you’re seen as.”

Davies saw the march as her chance to answer the question of what she would have done if she had been alive during the civil rights protests led by Martin Luther King Jr.

After hundreds of years of slavery, Jim Crow and more, Davies said, “People continue to get killed. … It’s frustrating. We have to be here so people can see it.”

Sebastian Murdock contributed reporting.

This story has been updated.

  • John Minchillo/AP
    Demonstrators march in New York, Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014, during the Justice for All rally and march. In the past three weeks, grand juries have decided not to indict officers in the chokehold death of Eric Garner in New York and the fatal shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo. The decisions have unleashed demonstrations and questions about police conduct and whether local prosecutors are the best choice for investigating police. (AP Photo/John Minchillo)
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • John Minchillo/AP
    Demonstrators march in New York, Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014, during the Justice for All rally and march. In the past three weeks, grand juries have decided not to indict officers in the chokehold death of Eric Garner in New York and the fatal shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo. The decisions have unleashed demonstrations and questions about police conduct and whether local prosecutors are the best choice for investigating police. (AP Photo/John Minchillo)
  • wilfish99/Instagram
    Thousands march in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • John Minchillo/AP
    Demonstrators march in New York, Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014, during the Justice for All rally and march. In the past three weeks, grand juries have decided not to indict officers in the chokehold death of Eric Garner in New York and the fatal shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo. The decisions have unleashed demonstrations and questions about police conduct and whether local prosecutors are the best choice for investigating police. (AP Photo/John Minchillo)
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • raphaelangenscheidt/Instagram
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • msjoannaj / Instagram
    Thousands march along 5th Ave. in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • christesc/Instagram
    Thousands march in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • John Minchillo/AP
    Demonstrators march in New York, Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014, during the Justice for All rally and march. In the past three weeks, grand juries have decided not to indict officers in the chokehold death of Eric Garner in New York and the fatal shooting of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo. The decisions have unleashed demonstrations and questions about police conduct and whether local prosecutors are the best choice for investigating police. (AP Photo/John Minchillo)
  • Carly Schwartz/Huffington Post
    Thousands march on Broadway in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • brentaxthelm/Instagram
    Protesters make their way up fifth avenue in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • andysimpzon/Instagram
    Thousands march along 5th Ave. in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • jesslynyovita / Instagram
    Thousands march along 5th Ave. in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Jnobianch / Twitter
    Thousands march along 5th Ave. in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • TRMacM/Twitter
    Thousands march on Broadway in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • mollyhein / instagram
    A man dressed up as Santa for SantaCon walk by protesters on 5th Ave. on Dec. 13, 2014 in New York City.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • mothertuckermurray / Instagram
    Thousands march along 5th Ave. in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.
  • Emily Kassie/Huffington Post
    Thousands gather in Washington Square park in New York City on Saturday, Dec. 13, 2014.

Rev. Al Sharpton says stop the “ghetto pity party”…why are people surprised?

September 15, 2014

politics from the eyes of an ebony mom

Yesterday Rev. Al Sharpton delivered the eulogy at Michael Brown’s funeral. He took the police to task and he cried for justice for Michael Brown. Sharpton surprised some when he also took on the black community. He chastised the community and told them to stop having ghetto pity parties. he told them to stop the disrespect that is shown on a daily basis in the community. The irony is that some people are surprised that Sharpton took this trek, but we can not continue to just criticize external influences without acknowledging the internal demons that are loose on the streets. Sharpton 2.0 is not the Sharpton of back in the day. He is not looking at the issue with blinders on. He is looking at the issue from a 360 angle and that viewpoint will mke people of both hues uncomfortable.

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