Posts Tagged ‘HISTORY’

BLACK HISTORY!-DR. YOSEF A. BEN-JOCHANNAN HAS GONE HOME!–SUN RE OOOOOO!

April 16, 2015

BLACK PEOPLE! –DR YOSEF A. A.. BEN JOCHANNAN HAS GONE HOME!

FROM AMSTERDAM NEWS

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A glorious celebration for the life of Dr. Ben

Herb Boyd | 4/11/2015, 3:22 p.m.
While there is no dismissing the glorious encomiums for the late Dr. Yosef A.A. ben-Jochannan—and they were as full of ...

The funeral of the late Dr. Yosef A.A. ben-Jochannan Derek Muhammad
While there is no dismissing the glorious encomiums for the late Dr. Yosef A.A. ben-Jochannan—and they were as full of praise as the many dispensers—the priceless item at his more than three-hour funeral service at the Abyssinian Baptist Church in Harlem was the printed program. One thing was certain upon being lucky enough to get one was the prediction that they would not have a sufficient supply for the massive turnout.
An even safer prediction was that many of the hundreds of admirers of the great scholar would not be able to get in the church in the first place, and like the overflow crowd at the wake and viewing on Thursday, many had to settle for the celebration outside the church at the end of the services.

Professor James Small had the awesome responsibility of moderating the “service of commemoration and the Initiation into the Duat,” as the ceremony was called. Looking at the long list of speakers, performers and proclamations he advised the participants that “you have two minutes for your remarks,” he said, “and only Dr. Jeffries can have an extended African two minutes.” It brought the expected laughter from a packed church, especially from those familiar with Dr. Leonard Jeffries’ long, history-laden speeches. And later he and his wife, Dr. Rosalind Jeffries, would speak in tandem, both stressing an “African identity” and keeping to the limits.
“Dr. Ben is not gone, he’s right here,” said veteran activist and cultural maven Camille Yarbrough during her delivery of the libations. She asked the audience to “just breathe” deeply and reflect on Dr. Ben’s spirit.
After the collective breath was exhaled, Minister Akbar Muhammad was called to the podium and, for the most part, he read a message from Minister Louis Farrakhan, the leader of the Nation of Islam. It was a message of unity and solidarity with understanding that Dr. Ben was a historian “from whose lessons we can learn from the past.”
Listening to someone read from the Book of Vindication must have been a first time experience for most of those in attendance. And it was during this reading that “Mut the mother of heaven” was mentioned and “heaven” would be almost a running gag for the rest of the ceremony, particularly where it was variously located by different speakers.
Professor Small, a leopard skin print draped over his shoulders, kept things moving at a good clip, and often dropping his own observations of his mentor. “Dr. Ben gave us the foundation to understand our eternity,” he remarked before asking Rev. Dr. Calvin Butts, III to read the obituary. Among the highlights of Dr. Ben’s enormously productive 96 years—he joined the ancestor on March 19—Butts recalled was that he was a versatile genius who wrote more than 40 books. “He will be remembered as a brilliant historian, committed to the uplift and enlightenment of the global African community. He will also be remembered as charismatic with an enormous sense of humor. And at the same time, as being straight, forthright, and even confrontational if he detected lies, deceit, or falsehoods.”

 
Olivia Holloway ·

Dr Ben will always be important to myself and a great many more every last one of us is grateful for opening our eyes to the glorious ness of who we really are as a people his spirit will forever be with us
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Dellin J. Cooke ·

i owe such much of my understanding to Dr.Ben was in the darkness to my existence as a black man in America thought the bible was the truth an I was the this descendant of a slave with no past just the one that the Europeans wrote for me. Dr.Ben showed me I had a history an knew GOD long before this faireytale book f lies Dr.Ben an Dr.Clarke will never be forgotten.
Delinda Wills Thomas ·

Thanks so much for the LIVE STREAM of Dr. Ben’s celebration of his life and for allowing me to meet family members, historians, ministers, attorneys, and others who talked about the realities his life and works,..Dr. Ben taught me the truths about me, my people and opened my mind to further research, readings, teachings to carry the African Centered baton of his findings,..He will always live on through me and others,..
Nefertina Abrams ·

The Great Pharaoh is on his journey sent with great love, admiration and respect, I was blessed to attend the Wake which was phenominal… I laughed, I cheered, I cried, I sighed, but most of all I Gave Thanks for his life and his legacy…
Aku A King

Yes….just as there were hundreds clamoring to be a part of this moment, physically….. I, like many others, were there as we “watched”, very closely, every movement on and offstage…thanks to AMSTERDAM NEWS and LIVESTREAM…… We were THERE…..and we are STILL there….. AKOBEN!!!!

BLACK PEOPLE!- AL SHARPTON GOT THIS ONE BLACK RIGHT!-BLACK ON BROTHER!-FROM FACEBOOK

January 17, 2015

AL

BLACK EGYPT AND BLACK PEOPLE! -FROM GODFRIED WIAFE ATI LORETTA M. HILL ON FACEBOOK

May 23, 2014

FROM GODFRIED WIAFE ATI LORETTA M. HILL ON FACEBOOK

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

BLACK ETHIOPIA! -FROM Global African Presence on FACEBOOK!- AN 18th CENTURY EUROPEAN PAINTING OF AN ETHIOPIAN KING WELCOMING ENVOYS FROM PERSIA.

February 3, 2014


FROM Global African Presence on Facebook

AN 18th CENTURY EUROPEAN PAINTING OF AN ETHIOPIAN KING WELCOMING ENVOYS FROM PERSIA.

COMMENTS
Tedla Gebeyehu
Tirhas Gebru; Ethiopia never been Colonized, you know why ? Because Ethiopians sacrificed for their freedom with their lives. Their history and victory is written with their blood and nobody can deny that except Ethiopian enemies !

Like · 3 · 6 hours ago

Lonnie F. Coaxum
Dr. Rashidi can you provide us a pic of the Sphinx with it noise on

Like · 5 hours ago

Global African Presence
There is no such picture Lonnie.

Like · 1 · 5 hours ago

Tedla Gebeyehu
Abdulkarim Atiki;- Ethiopia fought Facist Italians twice
1st. 1895-1896
2nd. 1936-1941
The first invasion, Ethiopians defeated Facist Italians by destroying their entire army. There where Italian soldiers who surrendered in thousands but the Emperor at the time “The great Emperor Menelik” pardon them and those who like to return to their country, went back and some choose to live in Ethiopia. The Emperor also declared no one to touch them or treat them like outsider. The people accept the order and Most of them get married with Ethiopian woman and have family and lived peacefully like everybody. Their ancestors still live in Ethiopia. You can take a visit and see it for yourself.
• The second occupation was five years but in those five years the people fought the enemy day and night. The people never surrendered to the enemy. It is known as “the resistance movement of 1936-1941.”
Finally the people kick out the Italian Invaders completely from the land in 1941. This means Facist Italian Colonizers defeated for the second time. The leader of Ethiopia at the time was “Emperor Haile Selassie”. Peace restored once again in the nation, but with a high prize and sacrifice !

https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/bitstream/handle/1887/12915/ASC-075287668-243-01.pdf?sequence=2

Like · 3 · 5 hours ago

Tedla Gebeyehu
I love this history class !

Like · 1 · 5 hours ago

Olutomi Brown
I never knew about my people in school. What a shame!

Like · 2 · 4 hours ago

Nibret Aga
Mildew Bossalini…: like Libya, Syria, Iraq…the same tactics have been used for years…1935 the emperor of Ethiopia was terrorised…ancient manuscripts were burnt to destroy evidence…war and hate among ourselves..happening today in the entire world then they rewrite the history the rest…

Like · 4 · 4 hours ago

Viola Dawson
Because of white power’

Like · 1 · 4 hours ago

Sherrie Parrie
whites do not have POWER they have DEATH

Like · 3 · 3 hours ago

Anthony Devon Gayle
Welcoming the ENEMIES.

Like · 1 · 3 hours ago

EGYPT-BLACK EGYPT!- MICHAELBLACK EGYPT ! -MICHAEL JACKSON DID “DO YOU REMEMBER THE TIME” WITH BLACK AND BEAUTIFUL EDDIE MURPHY,IMAN,JOHN SINGLETON ATI PUT BLACK EGYPT ON THE AGENDA THEN! -FROM NATIONAL R&B MUSIC SOCIETY,INC. ON FACEBOOK

December 27, 2013

THERE WAS A TIME

MANDELA O! -IS GOWAN OUR OWN NIGERIAN MANDELA?-FROM THE NATION NEWSPAPER,NIGERIA

December 22, 2013

FROM the nation newspaper-Nigeria

Crocodile tears on the grave of Mandela

Posted by: Jide Osuntokun

The death of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (1918-2013) has attracted a lot of emotions, comments and tributes from many current leaders and past leaders of several countries in the world. Some of these comments are genuine, others are insincere and amounts to crocodile tears. About 100 global political players, both current and those who have held positions of power in the world, including President Barrack Obama, current American President and three former Presidents- Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton and George W Bush, and the heir apparent to the British throne Prince Charles as well as our own President Goodluck Jonathan and David Cameron, John Major and Gordon Brown, current and former British Prime Ministers respectively attended the official funeral ceremony held at a big stadium in Soweto South Africa. This must have been a security nightmare for the South African authorities. Mandela who initially embraced the non-violent philosophy of Mochandas Ghandhi-Ji later abandoned non-violence and was largely responsible for forming the Umkhonto we Sizwe (the Spear of the Nation), which was the armed youthful wing of the African National Congress (ANC). The young revolutionaries in South Africa by the 1960s were already getting impatient with the conservative and non-violent approach to African liberation espoused by the ANC. Members of the Pan African Congress (PAC) were already critical of the non-violent campaign of the ANC. We can therefore say Nelson Mandela reluctantly took to armed struggle because as he argued nobody can kill a wild beast with bare hands.

In the history of the liberation of South Africa some attention should be paid to the PAC and Azanian People’s Congress’ roles as alternative platforms for the liberation of South Africa. A comparable situation is what happened in the US where the existence of militant youthful groups such as Students Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) led by Stokely Carmichael and Rap Brown, as well as the Black Panther Movement of Huey Newton and Eldrige Cleaver, and the Black Muslims particularly the faction led by one of its charismatic leaders, Malcom X with their cry burn baby burn made Martin Luther King nonviolent campaign largely acceptable to the white folks. Even though the situation was not exactly the same, white folks saw Mandela as somebody they could ultimately do business with.

This does not diminish the achievements of Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela but it is important to put the two global icons within their historical context. The two share many things in common especially their ability to forgive their oppressors. Martin Luther King’s tolerance is firmly rooted in Christian religion while Mandela’s ability to forgive is rooted in political reality. He wanted to build a non-racial majoritarian democracy in South Africa and he came to the conclusion that the only way to do this was by forgiving his racist oppressors who had built in South Africa a first world infrastructure and economy albeit on the backs of the blacks. If he had adopted the Mugabe approach of land expropriation, he would have destroyed his much loved country of South Africa for which he paid huge price of 27 years imprisonment. Since 1994 when he became president and now after having been succeeded by Thabo Mbeki and the current President Jacob Zuma, the vast majority of black South Africans have remained largely poor. Of course centuries of Black marginalization cannot be removed within a few years but young black South Africans are not prepared to wait indefinitely for the fruit of majority rule. This is the challenge facing South Africa today. And some of the militant youths have been known to issue militant statements about the conniving and apologetic leadership of the ANC who are only ready to tinker with the white economic structure of South Africa without radically changing it. This is why incredibly as it may sound, Robert Mugabe is perhaps the most popular political figure in Southern Africa today. This also accounts for the tumultuous ovation he attracted when he entered the stadium during the funeral mass for Mandela.

I had the opportunity to meet Mandela in May 1990, when he came to Nigeria, and the University of Lagos conferred on him an Honorary Doctorate degree after leaving prison and before becoming president of South Africa. Professor Nurudeen Alao who was Vice Chancellor asked me and Dr. Tunji Dare to prepare a citation for the great man. We independently wrote this and after comparing notes, Dare said my citation captured totally the essence of the man, and he subsequently published his own draft, I believe in The Guardian. I remember that one of the things the great man asked us was that he wanted to learn how Nigeria has been able to create a forum like the House of Chiefs in the old regions for traditional leaders to participate in governance so that he could do the same in South Africa. I do not know what became of his interest in this regard.

After Mandela’s death, I have been thoroughly amused by the comments of our leaders. Some of these leaders have hailed him as a great man, a great African icon and a great world leader that is worthy of emulation. Yet some of these so-called African leaders held power for years without leaving any remarkable or worthwhile imprint on the society. It is surprising that those who overstayed their welcome in office are now acclaiming Mandela as their friend and as someone from whom they learnt something. One only hopes that our current leaders and those after them will learn from this great man’s example, that it is not the amount of money that one has that matters, but that it is the enduring and unforgettable legacies that one leaves behind that really matter.

The former American President George W Bush also went to South Africa to pay his last tribute to Mandela; I believe his sincerity. But we should not forget that his Vice President Dick Cheney regarded Mandela as a terrorist. And according to General Colin Powel, a former American Secretary of State and his successor Condoleezza Rice both of whom are blacks claimed that they were hugely embarrassed to find Mandela’s name on America’s terrorist list. It is surprising that the Russian Federation President Vladimir Putin and the Chinese President Xi Jinping were conspicuously absent in South Africa to pay their last respects to Mandela; they will not be missed of course. And the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu found a lame reason about security and the cost of the trip not to go to South Africa. Of course, the Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas was there because Mandela was a supporter of the Palestinian cause and liberation. Let it be remembered that Israel and the United States under President Ronald Reagan assisted South Africa to acquire nuclear weapons in the late 1970s.

President Jonathan in some kind of homily during a funeral service for Mandela said that Nigeria is not likely to have a man of Mandela’s stature. I disagree and I say General Yakubu Gowon remains the greatest Head of State of Nigeria with high moral stature on a comparable level with Mandela. Gowon’s case is that of a prophet that is with no honour in his own country. Here was a man who governed this country for nine years and ended up not having a single house or billions of naira, and oil blocs in his name but was responsible for most of the enduring physical infrastructure in the country. Here is a war leader who fought a civil war and ended it without show trials and executions of those on the other side of the conflict. Gowon represents our own Abraham Lincoln and Nelson Mandela rolled into one. Since leaving office, he went back to the university and earned himself a doctorate degree in Political Science and has never soiled his hands with filthy lucre. He has used his moral currency and goodwill to attract funds for good cause such as guinea-worm eradication and has spent along with others, years in praying for the peace of Nigeria. When he was in power, Gowon was a pan-Africanist and extended the reach of Nigeria’s foreign policy to the black Diaspora in the Caribbean. History will be fair to Gowon, he may not have had the press and publicity and international acclaim that Mandela has but Gowon among our leaders certainly made a difference. And he deserves to be celebrated now and in the future.

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BLACK ARMY OF ISRAEL?

April 14, 2013

http://photos-b.ak.fbcdn.net/hphotos-ak-ash3/45299_10201132808381869_1722334808_n.jpg

LYNCHING PHOTO BOOK REVIEW- FROM http://www2.liu.edu/cwis/cwp/library/african/2000/lynching.htm

May 2, 2011

FROM http://www2.liu.edu/cwis/cwp/library/african/2000/lynching.htm
Lynchings in America
A History Not Known By Many
When I was a boy growing up in New Orleans, Louisiana, the word lynching was hardly ever mentioned. My parents only said these “mean” acts happened in the country (rural areas) with white men in white gowns (the KKK). In all my schooling, through high school and on to college, lynching was never part of a lecture or connected with American history. I knew of the word, lynching, but never, never the scope of this violent, hateful act.

On Thursday, January 13, 2000, an article entitled, “An Ugly Legacy Lives on, Its Glare Unsoftened by Age,” by Robert Smith was published in the New York Times. This excellent article revealed a world not known by many Americans living today and especially by me. Without my explaining here, it should be read by all persons, especially as it pertains to race and hate. Without understanding this past evil history, we cannot understand why hate is on the rise today in this year of 2000.

After reading the New York Times article, I wanted to know more about lynching and what could possibly be presented on this squeamish subject. It turned out that an exhibit of rare collected photo postcards were on display featuring lynchings as they took place in America from 1883-1960. I saw this exhibit. It was on view at the Roth Horowitz Gallery in New York City until February 12, 2000. This small gallery took in only about fifteen people at a time, and the line was long. Watching the viewers as they exited revealed what was inside: people with tears, some with anguish, some looked surprised with the horror they had seen.

This New York exhibition presented the collected photocards of Mr. James Allen, a white Atlanta resident who, for fifteen years, sought out these images of racial horror and self-righteous vigilante acts as rare finds. Since most of these photocards were kept as “keepsakes” by some families, Mr. Allen had to solicit ads for purchase. He paid from fifteen dollars to as much as thirty thousand dollars for individual cards. The sixty photo postcards and other material were temporarily housed in the library at Emory University to allow scholars to have access to it, but are now being held by their owner at withoutsanctuary.org.

Melvin Sylvester, Feb. 2000

Photographs:
1930 lynching of Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith in Marion, Indiana
Photo from the official 1977 Citadel yearbook
1919 lynching William Brown in Douglas County, Nebraska

1935 lynching of Rubin Stacy in Fort Lauderdale, Florida

Lynching In America
A Book on the Subject
This book, Without Sanctuary: Lynching photography in America (by James Allen, Hilton Als, Leon F. Litwack, with a forward by Congressman John Lewis; Twin Palms Publishers, 2000), is a new, startling book on this shocking topic of lynching in America. This book is an extension of the exhibit held at the Roth Horowitz Gallery and the collected photo postcards of Mr. James Allen of Atlanta, Georgia. Pages of actual real life lynchings are captured with photos and dates with explanatory texts about where these dastardly acts occurred. Mr. Allen says, “Without Sanctuary is a grim reminder that a part of the American past we would prefer for various reasons to forget we need very much to remember.” The book is a vivid account of the existence of lynching on American soil. On view in the book are ninety-eight plates of lynchings and the victims and the people surrounding the actual executions. A few were white; a few were women; but most were African-American men used as prime targets for lynch mobs. To see this book is to try and understand, but it is not for the squeamish viewer or persons not able to transcend reasons why these acts should never have happened.

1936 lynching of Lint Shaw in Royston, Georgia

For Further Reading

About Lynching / Robert L. Zangrando, John F. Callahan, and Dickson D. Bruce, Jr. Modern American Poetry : An Online Journal and Multimedia Companion to Anthology of Modern American Poetry. Urbana, IL : Department of English of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2002.

The aesthetics and politics of the crowd in American literature / Mary. Esteve. Cambridge, U.K. ; New York : Cambridge University Press, 2003. PS169.C75E88 2003

Covers lynching in literature

American lynching : a documenatry feature / Gode Davis and James M. Fortier. Herndon, VA : Bitter Fruit Productions, 2005.

“This documentary explores racist events and attitudes indigenous to the Northern and Southern states that either condoned or condemned lynching as a practice.”

American Negro short stories / John Henrik Clarke. New York : Hill and Wang, 1966. PS647.A35C55 1966x

Includes “The lynching of Jube Benson” by Paul Laurence Dunbar

Anatomy of a lynching : the killing of Claude Neal / James R. McGovern. Baton Rouge : Louisiana State University Press, 1982. HV6465.F6M35 1982

And the dead shall rise : the murder of Mary Phagan and the lynching of Leo Frank / Steve Oney. New York : Pantheon Books, 2003. HV6534.A7O54 2003

Anti-lynching crusaders helped free our country / Philip Dray. Newsday, A39 (741 words), June 15, 2005.

An apology for old form of terror : Senate expected to vote tomorrow on resolution regarding its failure to help end practice of lynching / Martin C. Evans. Newsday, A34 (600 words), June 12, 2005.

At the hands of persons unknown : the lynching of Black America / Philip Dray. New York : Random House, 2002. HV6464.D73 2002

The awful truth: a photography exhibition unearths the painful history of lynching in America / Danny Postel. Chronicle of Higher Education, 48(44):A14 (3 pages), July 12, 2002.

Black manhood on the silent screen / Gerald R. Butters. Lawrence : University Press of Kansas, 2002. PN1995.9.N4B88 2002

Includes “Oscar Micheaux: From Homestead to Lynch Mob”

Call for reconciliation : Minister attacked by Klansmen seeks understanding as alleged mastermind in triple killing faces trial / John Moreno Gonzales. Newsday, A07 (733 words), June 13, 2005.

Crime, but no punishment : Georgia town is still divided over the murders of four blacks nearly 60 years ago / Tina Susman. Newsday, A30 (1633 words), March 30, 2005.

Dangerous liaisons : gender, nation, and postcolonial perspectives / Anne McClintock, Aamir Mufti, and Ella Shohat. Minneapolis : University of Minnesota Press, 1997. JC312.D36 1997

Includes “On the threshold of woman’s era : lynching, empire, and sexuality in Black feminist theory” by Hazel V. Carby

The Duluth Lynchings Online Resource : a collection of historical documents relating to the tragic events of June 15, 1920. Minnesota Historical Society. St. Paul, MN : The Society, 2003.

“This web site facilitates access to over 2,000 pages of scanned documents to provide an in-depth and scholarly resource of primary source materials on the subject, designed also for those unfamiliar with this tragic event.”

The Duluth Lynchings Online Resource: historical documents relating to the tragic events of June 15, 1920 / Scott Ellsworth. Journal of American History, 91(1):349-350, June 2004.

Discusses the website: http://collections.mnhs.org/duluthlynchings/

Ebony rising : short fiction of the greater Harlem Renaissance era / Craig Gable. Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 2004. PS647.A35E24 2004

Includes “Lynching for profit” by George S. Schuyler

Elite Georgia’s dark secret / Linda Kulman. U.S. News & World Report, 135(13):49, (800 words), Oct 20, 2003.

1915 lynching of Leo Frank

Etiquette, lynching, and racial boundaries in southern history: a Mississippi example / J. William Harris. American Historical Review, 100(2):387 (24 pages), April 1995.

Exorcising blackness : historical and literary lynching and burning rituals / Trudier Harris. Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1984. PS153.N5H28 1984

F.B.I. discovers trial transcript in Emmett Till case / Shaila Dewan and Ariel Hart. New York Times, A14 (917 words), May 18, 2005.

A festival of violence : an analysis of Southern lynchings, 1882-1930 / Stewart Emory Tolnay and E. M., Beck. Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1995. HV6464.T65 1995

The first Waco horror : the lynching of Jesse Washington and the rise of the NAAC / Patricia Bernstein. Houston, TX : Patriciabernstein.com, 2005.

Website to accompany the book.

Fresh outrage in Waco at grisly lynching of 1916 / Ralph Blumenthal. New York Times, A26 (1598 words), May 1, 2005.

Gender, class, race, and reform in the progressive era / Noralee Frankel and Nancy Schrom Dye. Lexington, KY : University Press of Kentucky, 1991. HQ1419.G46 1991

Includes “African-American women’s networks in the anti-lynching crusade” by Rosalyn Terborg-Penn

Go down, Moses : the miscegenation of time / Arthur F. Kinney. New York : Twayne Publishers ; London : Prentice HallInternational, 1996. PS3511.A86G6349 1996

Treatment of lynching in the William Faulkner work

Jasper, Tex., and the ghosts of lynchings past. New York Times, A26 (576 words), Feb 25, 1999.

Revulsion at the death of James Byrd Jr. demonstrates a sea change in public sentiment toward lynchings

Judge Lynch: his first hundred years / Frank Shay and Arthur Franklin Raper. Montclair, NJ : Patterson Smith, 1969. HV6457.S5 1969b

The killing season: a history of lynching in America / Philip Dray. The New Crisis, 109(1):41 (3 pages), January-February 2002.

Excerpt from “At the Hands of Persons Unknown: the Lynching of of Black America”

Kin disagree on exhumation of Emmett Till / Gretchen Ruethling. New York Times, A3 (357 words), May 6, 2005.

The legacy of a lynching / Robert F. Worth. American Scholar, 67(2):65 (13 pages), Spring 1998.

“Like a violin for the wind to play”: lyrical approaches to lynching by Hughes, Du Bois, and Toomer / Kimberly Banks. African American Review, 38(3):451 (15 pages), Fall 2004.

Critical essay

Local sequential patterns: the structure of lynching in the deep South, 1882-1930 / Karherine Stovel. Social Forces, 79(3):843 (14134 words), March 2001.

Lynch-law; an investigation into the history of lynching in the United States / James Elbert Cutler. New York : Negro Universities Press, 1969. HV6457.C8 1969b

Lynch Street : the May 1970 slayings at Jackson State College / Tim Spofford. Kent, OH : Kent State University Press, 1988. F349.J13S66 1988

The lyncher in me : a search for redemption in the face of history / Warren Read. St. Paul, MN : Borealis Books, 2008.
Chronicles the author’s experiences with having discovered his great-grandfather’s role in the Duluth lynchings of 1920 and his subsequent search for the descendants of the victims.

Lynching / John Simkin. Spartcus Educational.

Lynching in America : carnival of death / Mark Gado. TrueTV Crime Library : Criminal Minds and Methods. New York : Turner Broadcasting System, [2005?].

A lynching in the heartland : race and memory in America / James H. Madison. New York : Palgrave, 2001. F534.M34M33 2001

The lynching of persons of Mexican origin or descent in the United States, 1848 to 1928 / William D. Carrigan. Journal of Social History, 37(2):411 (29 pages), Winter 2003.

Lynching victim is cleared of rape, 100 years later / Emily Yellin. New York Times, Section 1, 24 (912 words), Feb 27, 2000.

Ed Johnson from Chattanooga, Tennessee

Masculinity : bodies, movies, culture / Peter Lehman. New York : Routledge, 2001. PN1995.9.M46M34 2001

Includes “Lynching photography and the ‘black beast rapist’ in the southern white masculine imagination” by Amy Louise Wood

Media, process, and the social construction of crime : studies in newsmaking criminology / Gregg Barak. New York : Garland Pub., 1994. P96.C74M43 1994

Includes “Communal violence and the media : lynchings and their news coverage by The New York Times between 1882 and 1930” by Ira M. Wasserman and Steven Stack

Minstrel show; or, The lynching of William Brown (The Plays of Max Sparber) / Max Sparber. Minneapolis, MN : Sparberfans.Blogspot.Com, 1998.

“Retells the story of the real-life murder of an African-American man in Omaha, Nebraska, in 1919, through the narration of two fictional African-American blackface performers.”

The murder of Emmett Louis Till, revisited. / Brent Staples. The New York Times, A16 (912 words), Nov 11, 2002.

New documetary film may cause the 1955 Mississipi case to be reopened

The NAACP crusade against lynching, 1909-1950 / Robert L. Zangrando. Philadelphia : Temple University Press, 1980. HV6457.Z36

The Negro holocaust: lynching and race riots in the United States, 1880-1950 / Robert A. Gibson. Yale-New Haven Teachers Institute. New Haven : Yale University, 1979 ; posted 2005.

Curriculum unit.

The old religion / David Mamet. New York : Free Press, 1997. PS3563.A4345O39 1997

Play about a lynching in Georgia

On looking: lynching photographs and legacies of Lynching after 9/11 / Dora Apel. American Quarterly, 55(3):457-478, Sept 2003.

On lynchings: Southern horrors, A red record, Mob rule in New Orleans / Ida B. Wells-Barnett. New York : Arno Press, 1969. HV6457.B37

Plays of Negro life; a source-book of native American drama / Alain LeRoy Locke and Montgomery Gregory. Westport, CT : Negro Universities Press, 1970. PS627.N4L6 1970

Includes “Judge Lynch” by J. W. Rogers, Jr.

Race, rape, and lynching : the red record of American literature, 1890-1912 / Sandra Gunning. New York : Oxford University Press, 1996. PS173.N4G86 1996

Racial violence and representation: performance strategies in lynching dramas of the 1920s / Judith L. Stephens. African American Review, 33(4):655 (10281 words), Winter 1999.

Racial violence on trial : a handbook with cases, laws, and documents / Christopher Waldrep. Santa Barbara, CA : ABC-CLIO, 2001. KF221.M8W35 2001

Reading rape : the rhetoric of sexual violence in American literature and culture, 1790-1990 / Sabine Sielke. Princeton, NJ : Princeton University Press, 2002. PS374.R35S54 2002

Includes “‘The one crime’ and ‘the real ‘one crime” : rape, lynching, and mimicry in Sutton E. Griggs’s ‘The Hindered hand'”

Remember, and learn : the lessons of racism’s ugly history. Newsday, A38 (223 words), June 15, 2005.

Revolt against chivalry : Jessie Daniel Ames and the women’s campaign against lynching / Jacquelyn Dowd Hall. New York : Columbia University Press, 1979. HV6457.H34

Rope and faggot / Walter Francis White. New York : Arno Press, 1969. HV6457.W45 1969

Rough justice : lynching and American society, 1874-1947 / Michael J. Pfeifer. Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 2004. HV6457.P44 2004

Selected works of Ida B. Wells-Barnett / Ida B.Wells-Barnett ; Trudier Harris, editor. New York : Oxford University Press, 1991. E185.97.W55A2 1991

Includes: “Southern horrors : lynch law in all its phases” ; “A red record : tabulated statistics and alleged causes of lynching in the United States, 1892-1893-1894” ; “Mob rule in New Orleans : Robert Charles and his fight to the death”

Senate issues apology over failure on antilynching law / Sheryl Gay Stolberg. New York Times, A15 (739 words), June 14, 2005.

Senate remorse over lynchings / India Autry. Newsday, A27 (232 words), June 14, 2005.

Senators introduce lynching apology. New York Times, A13 (176 words), February 2, 2005.

The shadow of hate a film / Charles Guggenheim and Julian Bond. Washington, D.C. : Guggenheim Productions, Inc., 1995. IMC Video E184.A1S564 1995bx

Includes the Leo Frank lynching in Georgia in 1913

Strange fruit : plays on lynching by American women / Kathy A. Perkins and Judith L. Stephens. Bloomington : Indiana University Press, 1998. PS627.L95S73 1998

Their majesties, the mob / John Walton Caughey. Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1960. HV6791.C38

Over 50 documents republished from various sources

Thirty years of lynching in the United States, 1889-1918 / National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. New York : Negro Universities Press, 1969. HV6457.N3 1969

The tragedy of lynching / Arthur Franklin Raper and the Southern Commission on the Study of Lynching New York : Negro Universities Press, 1969. HV6464.R3 1969b

An ugly legacy lives on, its glare unsoftened by age : critic’s notebook / Roberta Smith. New York Times, E1 (1445 words), January 13, 2000.

Discusses an exhibit of lynching photographs at the Roth Horowitz Gallery.

Under sentence of death : lynching in the South / W. Fitzhugh Brundage. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press, 1997. HV6464.U49 1997

Unnatural selections : eugenics in American modernism and the Harlem Renaissance / Daylanne K. English. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press, 2004. PS228.E84E54 2004

Includes “Blessed are the barren : lynching, reproduction, and the drama of new Negro womanhood, 1916-1930”

War of words: the controversy over the definition of lynching, 1899-1940 / Christopher Waldrep. Journal of Southern History, 66(1):75 (2 pages), February 2000.

We are coming : the persuasive discourse of nineteenth-century Black women / Shirley W. Logan. Carbondale, IL : Southern Illinois University Press, 1999. E185.86.L57 1999

“‘Out of their own mouths’ : Ida Wells and the presence of lynching”

We charge genocide : the historic petition to the United Nations for relief from a crime of the United States Government against the Negro people / Civil Rights Congress (U.S.). New York : Civil Rights Congress, 1952. E185.61.C592 1952x

Whispered consolations : law and narrative in African American life / Jon Christian Suggs. Ann Arbor : University of Michigan Press, 2000. KF4757.S84 2000

Includes “Lynchings and passing”

“With the past let these be buried”: the 1873 mob massacre of the Hill family in Springtown, Texas / Helen McLure. Southwestern Historical Quarterly, 105(2):293 (29 pages), October 2001.

Without sanctuary : lynching photography in America / James Allen. Santa Fe, NM : Twin Palms, 2000. HV6459.W57 2000

Official website: http://withoutsanctuary.org/

Without sanctuary: lynching photography in America / Grace Elizabeth Hale. Journal of American History, 89(3):989-994, December 2002.

Witnessing lynching : American writers respond / Anne P. Rice. New Brunswick, NJ : Rutgers University Press, 2003. PS509.L94W58 2003

Wounds not scars: lynching, the national conscience and the American historian / Joel Williamson. Journal of American History, 83(4):1221 (33 pages), March 1997.

African Americans in the Twentieth Century

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HTML, Design, & Bibliography
by Robert Delaney
robert.delaney@liu.edu

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LYNCHING IN AMERIKKKA! -ORIGIN OF THE WORD PICNIC IS “PICK A NIGGER”

May 2, 2011

A BLACK WOMAN LYNCHED IN OKLAHOMA 1919

LYNCHING OF THOMAS SHIPP AND ABRAM SMITH IN MARION, INDIANA 1930

LYNCHING OF WILLIAM BROWN IN DOUGLAS COUNTY,NEBRASKA 1919

LYNCHING OF RUBIN STACY IN FORT LAUDERDALE,FLORIDA, 1935

FROM http://www.deplicque.net/articles/StrangeFruit.htm

Here is another little known Black History Fact. This information is in the African American Archives at the Smithsonian Institute. Although not taught in American learning institutions and literature, it is in most Black history professional circles and literature that the origin of the term: ‘picnic’ derives from the acts of lynching African-Americans.
The word: ‘picnic’ is rooted from the whole theme of: ‘Pick A Nigger’.
This is where individuals would: ‘pic’ a Black person to lynch… and make this into: a family gathering…. There would be music and a: ‘picnic’. (‘Nic’ being the white acronym for: ‘nigger’). Scenes of this were in the movie Rosewood. The black producers and writers should have chosen to use the word ‘barbecue’ or ‘outing’ instead of the word ‘picnic’.
To attempt to tie lynchings to family outings, where food was served, is to misunderstand the real nature of these events. Rather, they were outbreaks of mass white hysteria, and attempts by groups of Whites to terrorize and brutalize the entire Black communities where they occurred.
Often, they were motivated by alleged acts of violence by Blacks against Whites, alleged disrespect and other breaches of Southern racial ‘etiquette’, and on many occasions, victims were chosen at random. Although women and children were frequently present, it is more accurate to view these events as collective psychotic behavior, rather than family outings. Lynching had become a ritual of interracial social control and recreation rather than simply a punishment for crime.

MALCOLM X ! – THE BLACK TRUTH- “MYTHS ABOUT MALCOLM X ” BY REV. ALBERT CLEAGE

April 29, 2011

International Socialist Review, September-October 1967

Rev. Albert Cleage
Myths About Malcolm X:
A Speech

From International Socialist Review, Vol.28 No.5, September-October 1967, pp.33-42.
Mark up: Einde O’Callaghan for ETOL.

Rev. Albert Cleage, chairman of the Detroit Inner City Organizing Committee, gave this speech at a memorial meeting for Malcolm X at the Friday Night Socialist Forum in Detroit, February 24, 1967.

You were very kind to ask me to be here.

I am not a Marxist – I don’t pretend to be, I don’t even pretend to know anything about it. I am a black man in a world dominated by white oppression, and that is my total philosophy. I would like to get rid of that oppression, and that is my total objective. So I bring to this occasion rather a simple approach – personal reflections on the significance of Malcolm X.

I can remember a number of occasions when I talked to him, when I was with him, when I spoke on platforms with him; and so I am not indebted to printed material for my impressions of Malcolm X. I remember the last time he was in the city – not so much the speech, which was not one of his best by any means; it reflected, I think, much of the tension that he was under, much of the confusion, the constant living on the brink of violence. But I can remember him backstage, in the Gold Room I think they call it, of Ford Auditorium. Recently he had suffered smoke inhalation, the doctor had given him an injection, he was trying to sleep, he was irritable. But he was here because he had promised to be here, because he thought some people were concerned about what he had to say.

I remember him at the King Solomon Baptist Church on one of the occasions he spoke there – sort of in concealment backstage, constantly harassed with the danger of assassination. And I can remember the occasion at the King Solomon Baptist Church when he gave the Message to the Grass Roots, which I think is his best speech, his most typical statement, and which I personally think is his last will and testament. I remember him, I talked to him, I agreed with him. He was a Muslim, I am a Christian, and yet I can think of no basic matter upon which we disagreed.

Two years after his death Brother Malcolm is more important to more people than he was at any time during his lifetime. I think this is true. Young people who never saw him, who never heard him, speak of him with reverence and say, “I love Malcolm.” This is a

tremendous thing. Older people who heard and saw him select from the things they heard and saw the things they want to remember, or even the things it suits their purpose to remember. This too is quite a thing – that an individual should be important enough to be remembered even with distortions or for reasons not quite only of love.

Brother Malcolm has become a symbol, a dream, a hope, a nostalgia for the past, a mystique, a shadow sometimes without substance, “our shining black prince,” to whom we do obeisance, about whom we write heroic poems. But I think Brother Malcolm the man is in danger of being lost in a vast tissue of distortions which now constitute the Malcolm myth. The Malcolm myth or the Malcolm myths, the complex of myths which more and more tend to cluster about Brother Malcolm, remind us of what happened to Jesus Christ. I think I understand much more now the things that are written and said about Jesus, because I can understand how the life of a man dedicated to people can so easily become a focal point for the things people want to make that life mean.

The Malcolm myth or myths depend for substance upon the last chaotic and confusing year or two of his life – fragmentary statements growing out of his trip to Mecca and his efforts to bring the problems of black people in America to the attention of African leaders. Out of this period of his life comes the confusing complex of myths. According to the myth, his pilgrimage to Mecca turned Brother Malcolm into an integrationist. I’ve heard that seriously stated by people who claim to be scholars and students of the life of Brother Malcolm. In Mecca, they say, he saw blue-eyed whites and blacks worshipping and living together, in love, for the first time in his 39 years – and his whole concept of white people changed. This is the myth. And he rejected his former position that the white man is the enemy and that separation is inescapable. This is the myth.

The implication here is that this new insight changed his orientation; that with this new insight he was now free to join the NAACP, or to sing We Shall Overcome with Martin Luther King, or to become a Marxist and join the Socialist Workers Party. And certainly, if we accept this basic myth as being true, as being fact, if his experience in Mecca changed his conception of white people, then all the implications certainly follow logically. If in terms of his experience in Mecca he came to believe that there is no enmity between black and white, that blacks and whites can march together in unity and brotherhood, then why shouldn’t he join the NAACP, or sing We Shall Overcome, or become a Marxist in the Socialist Workers Party?

I say that is the myth, and from my personal point of view, realizing that we are in the position of the blind man who inspected the elephant and tried to describe what an elephant is, I say I do not believe this myth. I reject it completely, totally and absolutely. I say if Malcolm X, Brother Malcolm, had undergone this kind of transformation, if in Mecca he had decided that blacks and whites can unite, then his life at that moment would have become meaningless in terms of the world struggle of black people, and we would not have any occasion to be here this evening. So I say I do not believe it.

Brother Malcolm knew history and he was guided by his interpretation of history. He interpreted the things that happened to him in terms of his knowledge and his understanding of the past. He would not have been taken in by what happened in Mecca. Brother Malcolm knew that the Arab Muslims had been the backbone of the slave trade. Those of you who have a sentimental attachment to the “Black Muslims” in America, or the Muslims that happen to be black, might not like to remember that the slave trade with black Africans in Africa was fostered, encouraged and carried on by the Arab Muslims in Africa. Brother Malcolm knew this. He would not have been taken in by the window dressing in Mecca. He would not have forgotten this important fact – that blacks and whites do not unite above the basic fact of race, of color. He would not have forgotten this in Mecca any more than in New York or Chicago or San Francisco. He knew that in Saudi Arabia they are still selling black Africans into slavery, they still make forays into Black Africa and bring back black slaves for sale in Arab Muslim countries. Brother Malcolm knew this. And to me it is preposterous to say that in Mecca he became an integrationist.

Also, according to the myth, Brother Malcolm tried to internationalize the black man’s struggle in America. Certainly he brought the black man’s struggle to the attention of African leaders. The implication is that Brother Malcolm felt that the black man in Africa could help us through the United Nations and that we would be better off before the white man’s World Court than before the white man’s Supreme Court. I do not believe it. Malcolm knew that one cracker court is just like another cracker court. He knew it, I know it and you know it. And to say now that he came to the conclusion that, if he could get the black man’s problem in America before the World Court, it would somehow mysteriously be changed and transformed is ridiculous. To take it before the World Court would have been interesting – but certainly no solution. We are no more apt to get justice before the World Court than before the Recorder’s Court downtown here in the city of Detroit. Crackers run both of them.

Don’t be afraid, brothers, don’t be afraid – I am not hurting the image of Malcolm. I am just’trying to save it, because you are about to lose it, you are about to forget what Malcolm said. By taking the last moments of confusion, when he was getting ready to be assassinated, and saying that the confused little statements he made in those last moments were his life – that’s a lie, that wasn’t his life. I heard him, I talked to him, I know what his life was, and he understood the relationship between blacks and whites.

Certainly Brother Malcolm wanted to relate our struggle, the struggle of black people in America, to the struggle of black people everywhere. I say to the struggle of black people everywhere, because

that is a struggle that he understood, that I understand and that you understand. I am not talking about relating it to the struggle of oppressed people everywhere, but relating it to the struggle of black people everywhere. But he expected little help from the Africans and the African nations. Malcolm wasn’t running around Africa thinking that the African nations were going to free us. Malcolm wasn’t that kind of an idiotic idealist. He went to our black brothers because they were our brothers. He talked to them about our problems because their problems are our problems, and we are as concerned about their problems as we want them to be about our problems. But he didn’t go to Africa expecting them to free us.

Sometimes we forget that, and we sit around waiting for somebody in Africa to send somebody over here to free us – “like Malcolm said they were going to.” He never said it and they are never going to do it. If you are going to be free, you are going to free yourself, and that is what Malcolm told us. The African nations can’t free us, they can’t save us. They couldn’t save Lumumba in Africa, they couldn’t wreak vengeance upon those who perpetrated his death in Africa. They couldn’t save the Congo; they couldn’t save the black people of Rhodesia; they couldn’t free the black people of South Africa. Then why should we sit here in our own oppression, our own suffering, our own brutality, waiting for some mysterious transformation when black armies from Africa are coming over here and free us? They could use some black armies from over here to free them.

Malcolm never said it, and don’t be misled by the statement that Malcolm tried to internationalize the black man’s struggle. He tried to tell us quite simply that the white man has given you hell here in the United States and he is giving black men hell all over the world. It is one struggle – black men fighting for freedom everywhere, in every country, in the United States, in Africa, in Vietnam, everywhere. Black men fighting against white men for freedom. He tried to tell you that the white man is not going to free you. I don’t care what persuasion or philosophy he has, he is not going to free you, because if he frees you, he must take something away from himself to give it to you.

Funny how we can so easily forget what Malcolm said. I don’t believe it. Certainly he wanted to relate it to the black man’s struggle throughout the world. He knew we were struggling against the same enemy. He knew that we could expect no more justice from the World Court than from a Supreme Court. So much for the Malcolm myth.

Brother Malcolm’s contribution is tremendous. What Brother Malcolm contributed to the black man’s struggle in America and throughout the world cannot be equaled or surpassed by the life of any man. Oh, we can think of individuals like Marcus Garvey. When he looked at the world and said, “Where is the black man’s government?” it was tremendous. Because he understood that the black man was engaged in a struggle against an enemy, and that if he was engaged

in a struggle there were certain things that were necessary – he had to have power, he had to have a government, he had to have economies, he had to have certain things. Marcus Garvey understood it. But no man surpasses Malcolm in his understanding of the meaning of the struggle in which black people are engaged everywhere in the world. And there was no subterfuge or confusion or weak-kneed pussyfooting in Malcolm as long as he lived.

I want to tell you this: we get all confused because we don’t know who assassinated him. I don’t believe that the Honorable Elijah Muhammad assassinated him. You believe whatever you want to, I do not believe it. And because we get confused about who assassinated him, we say there was never any good in Elijah Muhammad or the “Black Muslims.” I don’t believe that either. I believe that the basic truths that Malcolm X taught came from the basic philosophy and teachings of Elijah Muhammad. I believe that the basic contribution which he made, the basic philosophy which he taught, stems directly from the teachings of Elijah Muhammad and the “Black Muslims.” I do not accept all the teachings of Elijah Muhammad or the “Black Muslims,” but I understand what Malcolm X did to those teachings. He took the teachings of a cult, with all the mythology of the “Black Muslims,” and universalized them so that black people everywhere, no matter what their religion, could understand them and could accept them.

I can accept the teachings which he abstracted from the cult philosophy and mythology of the Honorable Elijah Muhammad. I do not believe in the story about Yacub and creating the white man as the devil in 6,000 years, but that has nothing to do with the essential truth. I do not believe that the white man is the devil. He does devilish things, but I don’t believe that he is a devil. Because to say that he is a devil is to say that he is more than human, and I don’t believe that. You know that in the Christian religion the devil was flung out of heaven; he was an angel, he was more than a man, and to believe that the white man is a devil is to attribute to him supernatural powers. That is a cult mystique. There is nothing about the white man that is supernatural. He is just exactly like we are – that’s why we can understand him so well. There is nothing mysterious about what he does. He wasn’t condemned to be a devil for 6,000 years – he just acts like a devil because it suits his purpose, and he mistreats us, he oppresses us, he’s brutal to us, because it’s in his interest – not because he is a devil.

It is closer to the truth to say that he is a beast, and that is what Malcolm said. You would like to forget that now, but every time I talked to him, he referred to the white man as a beast. And those of you who are white here will agree with him that most white people are beasts – you can’t deny it. On the basis of the way the white man has treated black men in America and throughout the world for 400 years, you cannot deny that he certainly had a truth there when he said that the white man is a beast. But not a devil. A beast is lower than a man, a devil is higher than a man. Certainly the white man is not a devil, but he is in many instances a beast.

Malcolm was different when he was in the “Black Muslims.” You have got to remember that too – he had a power base then. You know, as quiet as it is kept, it is one thing to operate out of something, to talk out of something, to have something behind you when you go into a town or a city – to go knowing that there are people there who are preparing things for you. It is another thing to step out by yourself and try to go around the country without a power base, without any protection, without any organization in front. And that was the difference when Malcolm X stepped out of the Muslim movement and became an individual. Then he faced the harassment, the danger, the confusion and everything in these last years that those who want to distort Malcolm X want to make so much out of. At the beginning, when he was with the Muslims, there was a power base from which he operated, a philosophical foundation upon which he could build. And he built well and he operated well in terms of a power base. He abstracted the general truths that we still remember. And these things we have got to preserve – we have got to preserve, brothers, I’m telling you, we have got to preserve.

We have a great tendency to turn our leaders over to somebody else. Who is the custodian of Malcolm’s tradition? Who is the custodian? (Voice from audience: “We are.”) But we aren’t acting like it. You know who the custodian is, don’t you? – there he sits, right there. If Mr. Breitman stopped writing, nobody would write anything. And he’s doing it in terms of what he believes is a proper interpretation. If we want to preserve our heroes, we have to become the custodians of that tradition. Who is the custodian of DuBois? Black people? No, we don’t have one thing that he wrote. The Communist Party has it, and they will let us read what they want us to read. I’m talking to you black brothers, I don’t care what the rest of these people think. We have got to become the custodians of our own heroes and save them and interpret them the way we want them interpreted. And if you don’t do it, then you have to accept what somebody else says they said. Who is the custodian of Paul Robeson? (Voice from audience: “The Communists.”) All right, we don’t have it. The great things he said, all of the things – where are they? The CIA has taken over perhaps all of the African Encyclopedia that DuBois was working on in Ghana. Nobody knows where it is. We don’t protect these things. We are careless and we get caught up in the myths that other people spin for us. In another five years our children won’t know what Malcolm X was really like. Because we won’t write it down, and everything that is written that they can put their hands on will be saying that Malcolm X said something he never said, that Malcolm X meant something he never meant.

I say Malcolm X was tremendously important, beyond even our comprehension today, because Malcolm changed the whole course of the black man’s freedom struggle – the whole course of that freedom struggle not only in America but throughout the world. Black people everywhere in Africa, in the United States, everywhere, black people are fighting today a different battle than they fought before Malcolm began to talk. A different battle because Malcolm laid down certain basic principles that we can never forget. He changed the whole course. The first basic principle that Malcolm laid down that we can’t forget is this: The white man is your enemy. That is a basic principle, we can’t forget it. I don’t care what else they drag in from wherever they drag it – remember one thing, Malcolm X taught one truth: The white man is our enemy. We can’t get away from it, and if we accept and understand that one basic truth, his life was not lived in vain. Because upon that one basic truth we can build a total philosophy, a total course of action for struggle. Because that was the basic confusion which distorted the lives of black people, which corrupted the movements of black people. That was the basic area of our confusion, and Malcolm X straightened that out.

The white man is an enemy – he said it. We must break our identification with him, and that was his basic contribution. He didn’t just say it, he didn’t sit off someplace and just write it – he went out and he lived it. He asked for moments of confrontation. He said we have got to break our identification, we can’t go through life identifying with the white man or his government. You remember what he said down there at King Solomon Baptist Church: You talk about “your” navy and “your” astronauts. He said forget it, we don’t identify with these people, they are the enemy. And that is the basic truth. We must break our identification with the enemy, we must confront him, and we must realize that conflict and violence are necessary parts of a struggle against an enemy – that is what he taught. Conflict, struggle and violence are not to be avoided. Don’t be afraid of them – you heard what he said. There has got to be some bloodshed, he said, if black men want to be free – that is what he taught. Now you can’t take that and say that he believed in blacks and whites marching together. He said black men have got to be willing to shed their blood because they believe that they can be free. The white man is an enemy.

We must take pride in ourselves – you know that is what he said. But he didn’t make a mystique out of Africa. He didn’t sit down in a corner and contemplate his navel and think about the wonders of Africa. He said we have a history that we can be proud of. Africa is our history, African blood is our blood, African soil is our soil. We can take pride in our past – not by sitting down and contemplating it, but by using it as the basis for a course of action in today’s world, as a basis for confrontation with the enemy, as a basis for struggle, for conflict, and even for violence, if necessary. We fight because we are proud; and because we are proud, we are not going to lie down and crawl like snakes on our bellies. We are not going to take second-class citizenship sitting down, saying, “Well, in a few years maybe things will change.” We want to change it now. That is what Malcolm told us, that is what we believe, and that is the basis of our struggle today.

A corollary of that, which you must understand and which is essentially Malcolm’s contribution, is that integration is impossible and undesirable. Integration is impossible – he said it time and time and time again, under all kinds of circumstances – integration is impossible and undesirable. Now this was harder for black people to take than for white people. Because white people never wanted it in the first place, and were determined that it would never come to pass in the second place. But black people had been led to believe that it was a possibility, always just around the corner. So black people had pegged all of their organizational efforts toward integration. We sang We Shall Overcome Someday, believing that overcoming meant integrating. The NAACP pegged its whole program on the possibilities of integration. We are going to build an integrated world, we are going to build a world in which black people and white people live together, we are going to build an integrated world – that is what Dr. Martin Luther King said. “I’ve got a dream for America tonight, a dream when the children of slaves shall walk hand-in-hand with the children of slavemasters.” And we believed it until Malcolm X told us it is a lie. And that is a genuine contribution – it is a lie.

You will never walk hand-in-hand with anybody but black people, let me tell you. If you do, it is just a moment of mutual hypocrisy in which you are both engaged, for some purpose best known to yourselves. You may build a position of strength, a position of power from which you can negotiate with strength instead of weakness, and if you are willing to negotiate, then you can talk to the white man as an equal. That is as close to brotherhood as there is – there is no other brotherhood. If you talk to a man as an equal, he is your brother. But there is no other kind of equal. You cannot get down on your knees and talk up to a man and talk about brotherhood. Because you stopped being a brother when you got down on your knees. And if you are afraid to get up and look him in the eye and take a chance of getting killed if necessary, then there is no hope of brotherhood for you. Integration is impossible and undesirable – Malcolm taught it.

We have our own communities. The white man “gave” them to us. He forced us into them. He separated himself from us. And white people went all around the country all the time Malcolm was alive, saying, “He wants separation.” They had separated themselves from us in every area of life, and yet they said, “He is bad, he is wicked, he wants separation.” And if he had asked for integration seriously, they would have killed him more quickly.

He said we are going to control these separate communities. We have them, the white man “gave” them to us, and we are going to stop being ashamed of them. We are going to live in them and we are going to make them the best communities in the world. We are going to make the schools in them black schools and good schools. We are going to make our housing black housing and good housing. We are no longer going to believe that a block is no good till a white man comes and buys a house on it. We are no longer going to believe that if we can move into a community where half of the people on the street are white, that that is a better community. We are going to take our separate communities, we are going to work with them, we are going to control them, we are going to control their politics, we are going to control their economy – we are going to control our community.

Malcolm X laid the entire foundation for everything Stokely Carmichael says. Stokely hasn’t said one word that was not completely implicit in everything that Malcolm X taught. He is just a voice carrying on upon the basic foundation that Malcolm X put down. Integration is impossible and undesirable. We are going to control our own communities. We are going to stop worrying about being separate. We are not worried about busing black children into white neighborhoods. We are not worried about open occupancy, except that we want the right to live any place, and unless we are given that right, we will take it. And when we take it, we will still live together, because we do not want to live with you. That is a philosophy, that is Malcolm X’s philosophy. We have learned it, we still remember it, and there is nothing you can do today to take it away from us. But I’m telling you, brothers, we have got to write it down because they are about to mess it up so we won’t recognize it next year.

The whole civil rights movement has changed. The NAACP is washed up, through, finished. The Urban League is nothing but the social service agency it started out to be. The civil rights movement now is nothing but Stokely Carmichael and Floyd McKissick – that’s it. Because they got the message. They are building today on what Malcolm said yesterday. The civil rights movement, the freedom struggle, the revolution – call it what you will – black men fighting for freedom today are fighting in terms laid down by Brother Malcolm. No other terms. You can’t go out into the community – the brother here said “let’s go out into the community” – you can’t go out into the community with anything other than what Malcolm X taught. Because they won’t listen to you, they won’t hear you.

The whole movement has changed. The last great picnic, as Floyd McKissick said, on the White House lawn, that “great freedom march” – that was the end, that was it. From here on in, black people are trying to build, to organize. Malcolm in his last days was trying to make the transition to organization, to structure; to fight not only in terms of words, of ideas, but to build the organizational structure. He didn’t do it. But he was making the transition because he realized that the next stage is an organizational stage – that if you want to be free, if you want power, you have got to organize to take it.

When you were just begging the white man to give you something, you didn’t need organization. All you needed was a kneeling pad so that you could kneel down and look humble. But if you want power, you have got to organize to get it – you have got to have political power, you have got to have economic power, you have got to organize. Malcolm realized that, and the feeble beginnings he made in the area of organization were pointing the way. Today we have got to carry on that organizational struggle that Malcolm pointed out.

I was in New York, I went to his headquarters while he was over in Africa, I talked with his lieutenants. They didn’t have the slightest idea of what was going on. They loved Malcolm, and they were sitting in the Hotel Theresa in a suite of rooms, but they didn’t have the slightest conception of how to organize. They were waiting for Brother Malcolm to come home so he could tell them what to do. I said, “My God, one man never carried such a load all by himself! He has men here who are supposed to be doing something and they are sitting there waiting for him to come back.” And they were carrying around his letters – he would write back a letter and they were carrying it around like it was the Bible: “Look, we’ve got a few words from Brother Malcolm.”

He did not want reverence – he wanted people who could do something, who could organize, who believed in action, who were willing to go out and sacrifice; and he didn’t have them. And all of us today – black people, brothers from coast to coast – when we get together and do reverence to Malcolm, let us remember that the last message was organize. We didn’t do it and that is why he died. We didn’t have organization enough to protect him. We didn’t have organization enough to give him funds to do what he had to do. We let him die. The message is the same today, and still we are not organizing, we are not doing the work that has to be done. If you love Brother Malcolm, write your poems at night and organize and work in the daytime for power. Because until you get power, Malcolm X is just a memory. When we get power, we will put his statue in every city, because the cities will belong to us. Then we can do him reverence.

But until we get power, let’s not play with images and myths. Let’s remember that he gave us certain principles, certain ideas, and we have got to do something with them. All of us have the task – to organize, to build, to fight, to get power. And as we get it, as we struggle for it, we will remember that we are struggling because we believe the things that he taught. That is the message of Malcolm, and don’t let anybody get you all mixed up. He never turned into an integrationist, never. He wasn’t fooled in Mecca, he wasn’t fooled in Africa. He told it like it was and he knew it like it was. That is our Malcolm. Some other folks may have another Malcolm – they are welcome to it. But brothers, don’t lose our Malcolm.


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